711.94/2539½

The Ambassador in Japan (Grew) to the Secretary of State

No. 5969

Sir: I have the honor to submit herewith Strictly Confidential Fortnightly Background Report No. 3 from the Commercial Attaché for the period from October 27th to November 8th. I entirely concur in Mr. Williams’ appraisal of the situation in Japan and in this connection reference is respectfully made to my strictly confidential telegram No. 1736, November 3, 3 p.m.2

Respectfully yours,

Joseph C. Grew
[Page 590]
[Enclosure]

Report by the Commercial Attaché in Japan (Williams)

Japan’s economic structure cannot withstand the present strain very much longer. For three months no supplies of oil, copper, iron, steel, aluminum and other essential products have been received from abroad. No exact data is available on present stocks of these commodities but from unofficial reports and personal studies of Japan’s economy over a period of several years it is firmly believed that on the average the volume of these stocks, with the exception of fuel oil for the Navy, is relatively small—probably adequate to maintain the already unbalanced level of production and consumption for from ten to twelve months. The Navy’s supply of fuel oil is generally estimated at sufficient for two years’ wartime consumption.

To assure any substantial degree of success in the execution of declared wartime policies Japan’s vast economic structure must be continuously nurtured. Her industries must be supplied with innumerable kinds of materials, her people must be fed, her national defenses must be substantially extended and strengthened, her transportation facilities must be improved and maintained, domestic business must be carried on and public utilities must be operated at full capacity. All of these activities demand materials and supplies, and more materials and supplies, and these in an uninterrupted flow. Japan has never even moderately been self-sufficient in these essential materials and supplies but has always leaned heavily upon contributions from the United States and the British Empire. Today these supports have been completely removed and this nation left entirely on its own. Extensive geographical areas have been added to Japan’s sphere of influence during the past ten years but these have proven very small donors of vital resources and have permitted only a slight reduction in the nation’s dependency upon the United States and Great Britain.

That strenuous efforts have been and are being made to remedy this dangerous situation is all too obvious. It is equally apparent that little real progress has crowned these efforts. Given a period of another ten years some measure of success might be achieved but unfortunately for Japan her problems must be solved immediately.

No nation can erect a wall around its national defense structure. Every phase of national economy must contribute heavily to its development and maintenance. Japan in her present economic position cannot long continue without replenishment the consumption of such large quantities of essential materials in efforts to create a defense force sufficient to withstand the self-inflicted encircling pressure from the United States and Great Britain. The bottom of the barrel is [Page 591] plainly in sight. She must have access to foreign supplies of oil and other vital products in order to keep her industrial wheels turning. If she cannot obtain these supplies she must accept the inevitable or fight, and the writer firmly believes that the military leaders of Japan decided months ago that it would be far better for the Japanese Army to go down fighting a major power than to withdraw from China for any other reason.

Stripped of all pretense the glaring fact is that Japan has steered her course to the point where she now must choose one of three routes. She must either, (1) Curtail production of all types of goods, conserve her supplies of materials and drift with the current of international developments, or (2) Make an all-out effort to establish her Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere and finish the China Affair, or (3) Reach some definite understanding with the United States. The first route would mean that in another twelve months Japan’s economy would be so weakened she would be unable to forcefully resist any demands imposed by the United States. The second road leads to war and national suicide. The third to the preservation of her Empire, the security of her people and the continuation of her existence as a major world power—but the probable loss of a certain amount of “face”.

It appears, therefore, that Japan’s present position briefly is this: On the one hand she can exist for say another twelve months on material now in stock and new supplies available within the Empire and her “sphere of influence”. At the end of this period, however, the nation will be a weakling from both a military and economic standpoint. On the other hand by pooling her entire resources and taking a desperate gamble on victory in a short “blitzkrieg” she could, from an economic standpoint, wage what might be termed a fairly efficient war for a few months, at the end of which time she would be economically bankrupt. The remaining alternative is to forego her aggressive action in the Far East and “make the best out of a bad bargain.”

There are definite signs that most Japanese leaders and very large segments of the people have conclusively abandoned the first alternative. This leaves only two moves, i. e., war or an agreement with the United States. A decision must be made in the very near future. On this decision rests the nation’s destiny.