893.00/14232
The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State
[Received June 13.]
Sir: I have the honor to submit the following summary of the activities of the Extraordinary National Congress of the Kuomintang which was held in Hankow March 29 to April 1, 1938.
The Congress was according to announcements called to deal with the many important questions arising out of the Sino-Japanese hostilities. Since the beginning of the hostilities the powers of government have been intrusted to a supreme war council which has been superimposed upon the regular governmental departments. This organization with General Chiang Kai-shek at its head did not derive its power directly from the Kuomintang but was born of necessity, and created by strong-arm methods without the sanction of any recognized responsible representative body. It is dictatorial and military in character and derives its justification for existence solely from the force of circumstances. The creation of this supreme war council has, of course, robbed the Kuomintang of much of its power over the National Government, which prior to the formation of the council was the tool of the Party.
Prior to the convocation of the Extraordinary Congress there was considerable speculation as to how the Party would take this curtailment of its powers. It was therefore gratifying to many to find that the Congress was prepared to accept in good spirit the Party’s loss of prestige and to swim with the tide of popular opinion in its will to unite all factions within the country in the primary objective of continuing and strengthening resistance to Japanese aggression.
Probably the most important action of the Congress was its unanimous election of General Chiang Kai-shek to the post of Tsungtai (Director General). By this action the Kuomintang in effect gave public legal sanction to the dictatorship of General Chiang. Dr. Wang Ching-wei was simultaneously given the post of Deputy Tsungtai.
Among the numerous resolutions adopted by the Congress were resolutions to further the cause of resistance by means of a foreign policy designed to strengthen the friendly relations of China with those powers seeking international peace and standing for the sanctity of international agreements. Other resolutions dealt with the furthering of mass military training, the improvement and simplification of political administration within the nation, the realigning of the nation’s economic and financial structure in order to make possible the exertion of all energies in the cause of resistance, and the mobilization [Page 159] of the masses through education into a united front against Japan.
As an indication of the Party’s willingness to forego its dictatorial powers over the Central Government, the Congress adopted a resolution calling for the creation of a Peoples’ Political Council which apparently is intended to extend beyond the bounds of the Kuomintang and which will be vested with considerable power. This council will, it is presumed, serve as the forum for the so-called united front.
At its final meeting on April 1 the Congress adopted a long manifesto which appeared in translation in the English language press. A copy of the press translation is enclosed36 with this despatch. Following is a brief summary of the manifesto which sums up the attitude of the Congress.
The manifesto points out that China has consistently striven for peace with honor; the maintenance of its territorial integrity and sovereign rights. When Japanese aggression became unbearable, however, China was forced to fight and it must now continue the struggle to the bitter end. Victory, when it is won, will mean not only the preservation of China’s territorial integrity, but also gain for it equality and freedom in the family of nations. The manifesto points out that the only peace which China can accept is a peace based upon justice. Any peace resulting from a compromise will be tantamount to complete surrender to Japan, therefore, the struggle must be carried through to the very end.
With reference to foreign policy the manifesto reiterates China’s determination to respect its international agreements and to continue and increase its efforts to maintain friendly relations with other powers. It points to the fact that China is fighting for world peace and the sanctity of international agreements. This fact it maintains must be impressed upon the world. It bemoans the fact that while China has the sympathy of the world it has failed to receive any active support from the powers.
With respect to domestic policy the manifesto stresses the point that the task of national reconstruction undertaken by the Central Government must not be side-tracked or permitted to lag because of the present hostilities. It maintains that the task of national reconstruction and the stemming of Japanese aggression are synonymous; that only through the revitalization and solidification of the nation can the aggressors be repelled; and that, therefore, it is imperative that all energies be directed simultaneously to the resistance of aggression by military force and the reconstruction, unification and strengthening of the nation.
[Page 160]The manifesto stresses the necessity for the fostering of a spirit of nationalism in China. It points out that the Japanese have used as a slogan in their propaganda campaign in China the catch phrase “self determination” meaning that the various racial groups within China should have the right of self government. This the manifesto says is a hoax. It asserts that all groups in China are equally threatened by the Japanese and that only by uniting and fighting together can these various groups within the nation insure their freedom and make possible the enjoyment of that freedom within the Republic of China which the Kuomintang has guaranteed to all races.
While granting that political freedom is indeed a valuable possession, the manifesto goes on to demonstrate that only through wholehearted cooperation and through the subordination of the will and desires of individuals to the will of the state can China hope to achieve sufficient unity and strength to resist the aggressors. It maintains that political freedom must, therefore, for the time being be limited and that all political factions must work together under a centralized control in order to present a united front against the enemy.
The manifesto draws attention to the path that Japanese activities have followed within the areas that have been occupied by the Japanese military. It asserts that Japan’s primary objective is to destroy China’s rapidly growing industries; that Japan seeks to conquer China in order to be able to force it into a position where it will function as a perpetual supplier of raw materials for Japan’s industries while serving at the same time as an ever growing market for Japan’s manufactured goods.
The manifesto states that while every effort must be made to improve the lot of China’s vast agrarian population, at the same time no effort should be spared in the endeavor to foster, protect and promote those very industries which Japan is endeavoring to destroy. Upon them to a large extent depends the success with which China will be able to meet Japan’s onslaught. In this connection the manifesto lays clown three cardinal principles which should serve as the guide posts of the nation in its efforts to promote industrialization.
- 1.
- The entire nation must practice the greatest economy in order to store up working capital.
- 2.
- The interests of the state should always be made paramount to those of the individual, and all efforts at reconstruction should follow this line.
- 3.
- The government should take over those industries which are essential to the welfare of the state and operate them for the common good.
In its final paragraphs the manifesto exhorts all members of the Kuomintang to realize their responsibility as leaders of the nation and [Page 161] to put forth every effort in the struggle for national salvation. It goes on to point out that all patriotic citizens of China have, despite widely divergent political views, rallied behind the Government in resisting Japan, and it maintains that if, and only if, the people continue to work together in a spirit of self-sacrifice, China will win.
The Kuomintang Congress only echoed the general trend which is being displayed throughout China to forget internal difficulties and dissension in an effort to cope with the paramount issue, Japanese aggression. Japan by its military invasion of China has succeeded in accomplishing in China that which no Chinese leader has been able to accomplish; stir the people up to a fighting pitch, instil in them the idea of China as a united nation, and give them a rallying point which, has universal appeal and is strong enough to force them to abandon their factional differences and personal animosities. The struggle against Japan is no longer the struggle of the Government leaders—it is the people’s struggle. The Japanese military by their brutal actions in the areas which have been occupied by Japanese troops and by their air bombing of cities far in the interior have worked up in the Chinese common people a hatred against Japan which will be slow indeed in burning out. Should China succeed in its present struggle against Japan it must certainly emerge a much stronger and more unified nation.
Moreover the tone of hopefulness expressed in the manifesto is not mere bravado. The Chinese are coming to feel that their troops, though not as well equipped as the Japanese, are a fair match for the aggressors, and they are sanguine of being able, by forcing Japan to drive deeper and deeper into China, finally to cause the collapse of Japan.
Respectfully yours,