Foreign Relations of the United States Diplomatic Papers, 1938, The British Commonwealth, Europe, Near East, and Africa, Volume II

811.3382/54

Mr. Henry S. Villard to the Secretary of State

[Extracts]

On Board U. S. S. “Boise,” November 6, 1938.
[Received December 6.]

Sir: With reference to the Department’s instruction of October 13, 1938,⁴⁰ directing me to proceed to Monrovia, Liberia, and to Capetown, Union of South Africa, for purposes of consultation, I have the honor to report as follows in regard to my visit to Monrovia:

The U. S. S. Boise arrived at Monrovia at 8 a.m. on Saturday, October 29. After the customary salute of 21 guns and the corresponding reply from Fort Norris, Captain McCandlish sent me ashore in one of the ship’s launches with Lt. D. C. Beard, the Communications Officer, and fired at my departure the consular salute of seven guns. We were met at the landing by Liberian port officials and the Acting Financial Adviser, Mr. Dunaway, and I proceeded immediately to call at the Legation. From that moment until the Boise sailed at 1:30 p.m. on November 3, I was busy with official or informal entertainments, inspection of the two possible Legation sites, a trip into the interior, and a series of conferences with the Honorable Lester A. Walton, the American Minister, as well as with as many Liberian, American and foreign officials and residents as time permitted.

It is my understanding that Mr. Walton will report in detail the various activities which made up the official program while the Boise was in port, and will furnish the Department with the texts of various addresses which were made in the course of the ceremonies. In order to keep the Department currently informed of what was taking place, I availed myself, with the approval of Captain McCandlish and Minister Walton, of the Boise’s radio facilities to send a brief summary of the events as they transpired. Radiograms were sent to Washington on October 31, November 1 and November 4,⁴¹ and for confirmation purposes are duplicated as enclosures to this despatch. I shall not attempt to describe these activities further, but shall confine myself to reporting certain information which I obtained during the course of my stay in Monrovia and to general observations as to the results of the visit. The subject of the Legation site is being treated in a separate report to the Foreign Buildings Office.

Reaction to the “Boise’s” Presence

Although the arrival of the Boise at Monrovia such a short time after the war crisis in Europe and the subsequent four-power conference at Munich was a pure coincidence, there is no doubt that the Liberians were pleased to place an entirely different interpretation upon the vessel’s call. The ruling fear in Liberia at present is that Germany has designs on the country, if not from a political or military point of view then at least from the standpoint of economic enslavement.⁴² German expansion in Europe and German assertion of colonial claims are viewed with the greatest apprehension and there is a strong feeling that as the world stands today the United States is the only disinterested friend of Liberia. The arrival of the Boise was deliberately interpreted as a notice to Herr Hitler to keep hands off in Liberia and as a step to reassure Liberians of the continued interest and friendship of the United States. This attitude found confirmation in a radio broadcast which I was informed took place a few days before the vessel’s arrival under the auspices of the Christian Science Monitor, and which gave strong support to such a view.

Liberians in general did not attempt to conceal their gratification at the arrival of the cruiser. The presence for nearly a week in Monrovia Roads of this modern, powerful naval vessel of the United States,—said to be the largest warship ever to visit Liberia—undoubtedly raised the morale of the nation to the highest pitch in years and evoked constant expressions of appreciation and approval. The recent call of a British sloop and the projected visit this month of a British cruiser were regarded with something approaching indifference, but the welcome accorded the Boise was unmistakably cordial in both official and unofficial quarters.

However, the applause of the Liberians was not unmixed with a characteristic sensitiveness as to the class of vessel sent and the rank of its commanding officer. It was observed in some quarters that the last United States naval vessel to visit Liberia—the Raleigh, in January 1929—had been a flagship and had carried Admiral Dayton as the representative of the United States Navy. There was a feeling, therefore, that Liberia incurred some loss of prestige in the present instance. One of those who spoke to me bluntly on this subject was Secretary of State Simpson, who made the invidious comparison when I was seated next to him at the President’s luncheon for the Captain and officers of the ship. I pointed out in reply that the Boise was one of the newest and finest creations of the United States Navy and that Monrovia was the first foreign port it had ever visited. The attitude of Secretary Simpson however was not widespread and the popular acclaim which greeted the vessel overshadowed any criticism as to class or rank.

Among American residents, the reaction was uniformly enthusiastic. I was told by many that the visit of the Boise had been of inestimable value to the colony and that the beneficial effects would continue for a long time to come. From this standpoint alone, the visit of the cruiser seems to have been amply worth while, and I feel sure the Legation will fully corroborate this statement. The only doubt expressed by Americans was to the effect that it might lead Liberians to expect too much of the friendship of the United States in case of a crisis affecting Liberia. It was pointed out that in any international conflict, it would now be natural for Liberians to take for granted American assistance—with tragically disappointing results. As mentioned below, however, President Barclay is under no illusions of this nature.

Interview With President Barclay

Minister Walton presented me by appointment to President Barclay, obviously the outstanding personality in Liberia. The President welcomed me cordially and accepted with evident pleasure a personal gift which I had brought from the United States, a four volume set of the Life of William Lloyd Garrison. After reading letters from the Secretary and from Mr. McBride, he launched immediately into a discussion of Liberian fears regarding Germany, a subject which was plainly of the greatest concern to him. He said that he had just brought up the matter in the Cabinet, which had gone into the question at considerable length, and that it constituted the leading problem which Liberia had to face today.

Referring to Germany’s avowed colonial ambitions and the example set by Italy in the case of Ethiopia, the President said that he could not view with equanimity the position of Liberia in a predatory world. He said that he was uneasy as to the conversations which might have taken place at Munich in regard to colonial “appeasement”; that he viewed with apprehension the recent travels of von Ribbentrop between London and Berlin, and the apparent understanding which was being reached between Great Britain and Germany on world problems. He cited the Neep concession⁴³ as an example of the pitfalls which might lead Liberia into domination by Germany, and said that he was fully determined to keep his country’s iron ore resources out of the hands of Europeans and to reserve them for American exploitation. He said that this applied to Liberia’s other natural resources as well and that he would be glad to see the economic development of Liberia undertaken by American interests insofar as that was possible or practicable. One of the reasons why he mistrusted the Neep organization was that according to his information it had approached the powerful Montecatini group in Italy for backing, and that this fact had never been disclosed during Neep’s negotiations with the government. This, together with the failure of Neep to give satisfactory assurances as to its financial integrity and political disinterestedness, had led him to consider the Neep interests as acting in bad faith.

President Barclay then dwelt on the military weakness of Liberia in case of a German attack. He admitted that, much as he appreciated the friendship and good will of the United States, he could not persuade himself that the United States would ever lend material aid to Liberia in the event of invasion. It was therefore up to Liberia to protect itself by the only means left in its power—alignment with one or more countries whose interests would more or less coincide with those of Liberia. He said that he was well aware of the ideological conflict now taking form throughout the world and that he had decided definitely that Liberia should be found on the side of the democracies. In practice, this meant an alliance with France and Great Britain.⁴⁴

The President said that to his mind there was a real danger of Liberia being used as a base by Germany to launch attacks on the adjoining colonies of Sierra Leone and the French Ivory Coast. Even if Germany did not wish to annex Liberia as a colony, Liberian territory would offer a strategic area from which to take aggressive measures against the colonial possessions of other European powers, particularly those nearby under British and French sovereignty. He mentioned reports of the presence of German submarines in West African waters during the recent European crisis (from other sources I heard persistent rumors that at least several such craft had been on station during that period between Monrovia and the Canary Islands). In view of Hitler’s assertion that he was now satisfied in Europe, and the apparent inability of the Powers to decide on giving him any of their colonial or mandated territory, it stood to reason that Hitler’s attention would inevitably be attracted to Liberia—the last independent state on the African continent.

To safeguard the future of his country, the President said, he had decided to propose a tripartite alliance with Great Britain and France. Considering the possibility that Liberia might be deemed a desirable base by the Germans for an attack on the adjoining, or even more distant, colonial territories, he felt that it would be to the advantage of those two Powers to join with Liberia in a defensive alliance. With this in mind, the President was sending Mr. Gabriel Dennis, the Secretary of the Treasury, on a confidential mission to London and Paris. The ostensible purpose of this journey was to visit India and to proceed to the United States in time for the New York World’s Fair next May. As soon as the results of Mr. Dennis’s conversations were known however, President Barclay intended to seek the advice and guidance of the Government of the United States. He said that while he could not hope for military or naval aid from the United States in the event of a crisis, he did feel that in political matters of this kind he was justified in expecting help for Liberia—a “lamb among wolves” today—from a nation which had always been its friend and confidant.

The President asked me to keep this matter in mind on my return to Washington. I replied that while I could give him no assurances as to the extent of any suggestions we might be in a position to offer, he could be sure that we always looked sympathetically upon the affairs of Liberia and that if any information came to us on the subject of colonies which might be of interest to the Republic, we would be glad to pass it on to him.

The Secretary of the Treasury was scheduled to start his journey on November 4, the day after the Boise left Monrovia.

Relations With Other Countries

Whether or not Liberian fears as to Germany’s intentions are justified, the greatest suspicion prevails as to all things German. During the European war crisis, the large German colony in Monrovia was practically ostracized, both Liberians and other foreigners avoiding contact with the Germans whenever possible.

Some officials went so far as to say that apprehension regarding Germany’s plans was seriously retarding the progress of the country.

The lot of the German Consul General, Herr P. Eltester, is an unhappy one. Americans claim that he is not a Nazi sympathizer, and both he and Frau Eltester appear to be personally popular with the American colony. In an atmosphere such as prevails at Monrovia, however, where even in normal times international relations are most delicately balanced, his position is particularly difficult. A report was circulated soon after the Boise’s arrival that a German naval vessel was also expected to visit Monrovia, and both fear and resentment seemed to be aroused among Liberians by this rumor. Although the Government has arbitrarily declined to allow German physicians to take up residence in Liberia, officials are uneasily aware that it would be difficult to find a reason for refusing permission for such a visit if requested.

In the short time I was in Monrovia, I found it impossible to obtain any direct evidence that Germany has serious designs on Liberia. Dr. Fuszek, Hungarian physician and Health Adviser to the Government, openly scoffs at such rumors, as do a number of Americans. Commercially however, Germany is making the same efforts as in other parts of the world. The long established Woermann Line is the headquarters for a growing attempt to capture trade, but owing to the open preference of Liberians for American goods—despite the relatively high cost of the latter—there are definite obstacles to overcome. The distinctly anti-Nazi attitude of the Liberians appears, on the surface, to be thwarting successfully whatever efforts Germany may be making toward economic domination of the country.

Relations with the British seem to be reasonably good, although the policy of the Chamberlain government in the recent crisis is viewed with distrust. In this connection, Mr. Walter Croze, chief engineer and geologist of the U. S. Steel Corporation, who has just arrived in Liberia,⁴⁵ told me of an incident which has a bearing on the British attitude toward Liberia. In passing through London on his way to Monrovia, Mr. Croze endeavored to obtain certain information from a British engineer with whom he was acquainted in regard to the Sierra Leone iron ore deposits, which he believed might be useful in the reconnaissance he is about to undertake. This information was categorically declined on the ground that the potential Liberian iron ore supply would offer direct competition to the Sierra Leone deposits.

Relations between France and Liberia seem to be fair, the President having told me that these depend largely on the personality of the French representative at Monrovia. The present Chargé d’Affaires, Mr. E. Emanuelli, came to Monrovia without being able to speak English and thus got off to a bad start, but has since improved his position.

Italian influence is nil. An attempt made by Italy to negotiate a treaty with Liberia not long ago ended in complete failure when it became apparent that the Italians were asking for large concessions and giving nothing in return. The President said that Italy had since left Liberia alone but that he would not in any case trust a country responsible for the conquest of Ethiopia.

The Scandinavian countries are known to Liberia through their shipping and are well regarded. Japan is beginning to make itself noticed commercially, but the Liberians seem to be under no illusions as to the quality of Japanese merchandise.

Prior to the departure of the Boise an incident occurred which illustrates the sensitivity of the diplomatic atmosphere in Monrovia. At a large reception on board the vessel by the Captain and officers, to which prominent Liberians, Americans, and members of the foreign colony had been invited, the absence of the German Consul General was noted and widely commented upon. He later sent a note stating in English that he would have been pleased to come if the invitation had not happened to reach him some hours after the reception. The French Chargé d’Affaires likewise failed to put in an appearance, without any explanation.

In order to make sure that there was no underlying resentment in the German note and that the French Chargé had not taken offense for some similar reason, Captain McCandlish and I decided to make p. p. c.⁴⁶ calls on all members of the diplomatic corps. Accompanied by Minister Walton, we made the rounds the morning of our departure and felt well repaid for our efforts. The German Consul General who lives some distance from the center of town seemed to be genuinely appreciative of our call and explained profusely that the invitation had not been delivered in time by the representative of the Woermann Line with whom it had been left. The Frenchman was so moved by our gesture that he sent a radio message to the ship after our departure, describing the failure of his secretary to transmit a note he had written, regretting the invitation owing to urgent business in the French cable station.

Economic Development

The President expressed much concern with the economic development of Liberia and said that he intended to devote as much energy as possible to opening up the country to commerce and industry. He made it clear that he would welcome any bona fide American enterprise that would further this aim. From the economic standpoint he seemed reluctant to encourage even the French or British, although he envisaged political cooperation with those nationalities. The dictator states, I gathered, would receive scant encouragement in Liberia, but special efforts would be made to provide opportunities for American capital.

Expounding his views of the commercial possibilities of the country, President Barclay said that he was particularly interested in the region known as Baffu Bay, located approximately half way between Monrovia and Cape Palmas at the mouth of the Sangwin River. He said that a suitable harbor for ocean going vessels could more readily be constructed at this point than at any other, and that in a recent exploratory tour it had taken him five hours to walk around the so-called bay. This site, the President asserted, formed a natural outlet not only for the products of the Liberian hinterland but for those of French Guinea and he asserted that the French authorities were anxious to find such access to the sea. A railway from the border of French Guinea to Baffu Bay would carry to the coast many tropical products, especially palm oil, kola nuts, various species of hardwoods et cetera. Conditions in Liberia were favorable to the growing of cacao, for instance, and regarded as ideal for cocoanuts. It is difficult to see however, how such a railway could benefit the Firestone plantations or any mineral development indicated at present.

The chief difficulty with the Baffu Bay region is that the shoreline appears to be low and swampy. Moreover, although the President spoke optimistically of deep water in the bay, U. S. Hydrographic Office charts do not show depths sufficient for ocean going vessels without the use of a very long pier or wharf. It is possible that such a pier could be constructed without too great expense, but a careful survey would first be necessary.

I also discussed with the President the possibilities of harbor construction at Monrovia. He was aware of the plans of Mr. Elias Williams of the Overseas Trading Corporation in New York, but I understand that no official consideration has yet been given to this scheme. The President still seemed to be favorably inclined to the rather elaborate harbor plans drawn up by the Neep organization, and despite a direct expression of hope on my part that the proposed railway, if constructed, would not run through the American Legation property at Mamba Point, he good-humoredly declined to commit himself on this subject in any way. It is my personal opinion however, that the difficulty and expense of building a railway around the rocky and precipitous side of Mamba Point would in the last analysis compel a different approach from that contemplated by Neep.

Mention was made of the experience of United States Army engineers in harbor construction, and the President recalled in this connection the legislation recently enacted in the United States providing for the loan to Liberia of government specialists and experts.⁴⁷ I believe this may lead to a request from the Liberian Government for the services of engineers to make a survey of conditions at Monrovia, Baffu Bay and possibly other points. There was no doubt in the President’s mind that American army engineers would be well qualified to undertake this task and would furnish an impartial report on the possibility of port construction as well as an unbiased estimate of the cost.

The harbor problem is becoming more and more the main obstacle to Liberia’s development, and after the practical experience of going to and from the Boise several times a day through the surf, Captain McCandlish thoroughly agreed with this view. There would seem to be the more reason for urgent consideration of this matter because of the serious situation which is developing at Marshall, the export port of the Firestone plantations. The boat channel at that point appears to be closing up and the bar is shifting in such a way as to make the passage increasing[ly] dangerous and difficult. Between seven and twelve natives were drowned a short time ago when a lighter capsized, and another such accident, according to Firestone officials, may so intimidate the superstitious workers that it will be impossible to obtain lighterage crews. If the condition of the bar continues to deteriorate, it may be necessary to abandon this port entirely in the next twelve months.

Mr. George H. Seybold, General Manager of the Firestone interests in Liberia, told me in confidence that he had already obtained plans and estimates for a narrow gauge railway to run from Duside to Monrovia for the rubber shipments. He said that the material would be obtained from Germany, which could far underbid any other country, and that the railway could be constructed for about one dollar a meter.

Incidentally, it was impressed upon me by Dr. Fuszek that if any wharfage construction were undertaken in Liberia, a bubonic plague control would have to be established by the Government. The present system of lighterage to vessels that lie offshore makes such control unnecessary, but the danger of communicable disease by rats would at once arise when the vessels tie up at piers.

Iron Ore Concession

I was surprised to find a considerable degree of resentment among foreigners at the appearance upon the scene of the U. S. Steel Corporation in place of the Neep group, in the matter of the proposed iron ore concession. Dr. Caffe, the Netherlands Jew, who is the Neep representative in Monrovia, is apparently very highly regarded as to personal integrity, widely travelled, well educated, and extremely popular. His displacement by the Steel Corporation engineers is regarded not as any failure of himself or his organization to satisfy the requirements of the Liberian Government, but as due directly to the “imperialistic” efforts of the American State Department.

This attitude was not apparent on the part of Liberian officials with whom I came in contact, and President Barclay assured me that he was satisfied the Neep proposals offered no safeguards or guarantees for the best interests of Liberia, but I was told that among members of the Liberian Legislature there was a definite undercurrent of disapproval at what had occurred. The strongest criticism came from the leading members of the American colony, including Mr. Dunaway, the Acting Financial Adviser; the Auditor of Liberia, Mr. Pilot; and Mr. George H. Seybold, General Manager of the Firestone plantations. I had an extended private conference on this and other subjects with Mr. Dunaway, who said it was the general impression that intervention by the American State Department had forced out the Neep group despite Dr. Caffe’s earnest efforts to satisfy the Liberian Government on all points. Mr. Dunaway said that Neep could not be blamed for failure to exhibit iron ore samples before the concession was signed; that it had to protect itself and its findings until it had a contract on paper; and that in any case it was his understanding that reports and analyses of borings had in fact been furnished to the Government as requested.

Mr. Seybold was even more outspoken. He said that Dr. Caffe had told him the Neep group, through the Amsterdamsche Bank, had made full arrangements with the Chase National Bank of New York to deposit in that institution 52 per cent, of the stock shares in perpetual trust in the name of the Liberian Government, and that a large proportion of the remaining shares would be made available to any American interest that might be attracted. He was under the impression this information had been furnished to the State Department by the Chase Bank, to which I replied to the best of my knowledge the Chase Bank had never taken up the matter with the Department.

Mr. Seybold, who has spent many years in the Netherlands East Indies, thought that Dr. Caffe was a very high type of Netherlander and that he should be grouped with President Barclay and Dr. Fuszek as among the most keenly intelligent persons in Liberia. He deprecated the suggestion that German interests were behind Neep, and asserted that Germany had plenty of other methods of obtaining iron ore in Central Europe and elsewhere without bothering with an elaborately disguised project in Liberia. Mr. Seybold ill concealed his indignation at what he obviously regarded as “State Department interference” with a legitimate business venture. He frankly did not believe that President Barclay had good grounds to hold off Neep, and thought that Caffe would undoubtedly request his Government to take up the matter with the United States Government, if he had not already done so.

To these views held among Americans and, I have no doubt, the foreign colony in Monrovia, there were added the following persistent queries: how did the United States Steel Corporation, in preference to any other concern, become interested in Liberia? Why should this American company, which has never been interested in the foreign field, suddenly appear in Africa to oust an experienced set of Netherlands prospectors and engineers who had already spent $100,000 on borings in the Bomi Hills? What use would it have for Liberian ore, thousands of miles from the United States—or did it intend to sell it in Europe? I explained to Mr. Seybold and others that information on the Bomi Hill deposits had been made available through the usual commercial channels to interested companies in the United States and that we did not question the economic motives which led such concerns into foreign fields. Mr. Seybold preferred to believe that the Steel Corporation had been “tipped off” by the Chase National Bank and had successfully enlisted the aid of the American Government to drive a wedge in the Neep negotiations.

Coupled with their general sympathy for Dr. Caffe, and their curiosity as to the motives animating the United States Steel Corporation, these responsible Americans seem to feel that President Barclay may be pinning his hopes too high upon the intentions of the United States Steel even in the event that valuable deposits of iron ore are found. They point out that the Steel Corporation has no immediate need whatever of iron ore from Liberia, and suggest that the Company’s sole objective is to stake out a concession, after the manner of the oil companies, for exploitation later on as circumstances warrant. In that case Liberia might not reap for many years the benefits which it desires, including the development of a port and harbor works, and resentment would be sure to increase in the Legislature. It would be most unfortunate, they maintain, if Liberia should have tied up or thrown away a concession, which was already in the first stages of development, for a year’s exploratory rights by another company—perhaps to be followed by long drawn out negotiations which might only end in disagreement.

Mr. Croze, the Steel Corporation engineer, who arrived with his party on October 16, was non-committal as to the prospects in Liberia. He said that in the two weeks he had been in the country, he had found nothing of definite interest, but that his men were to start shortly for the interior. I understand that the Neep field party had left their tents and equipment at the Bomi Hills but that they would not be in the least disposed to pass on their findings to United States Steel. Neep has one minor representative left in Monrovia, Dr. Caffe being in Europe at the time of my visit.

Firestone Plantations

I spent a night at Duside at the home of the General Manager, Mr. Seybold, and was taken by him on a tour of the plantations. Mr. Seybold spent the better part of his career with the United States Rubber Company in the East Indies, and has been with Firestone in Liberia for about fifteen months. From what I saw and heard of his work, I believe he may have rescued the enterprise from grave mismanagement, costly mistakes and low morale to one that not only enjoys good relations with the Liberian Government but promises well for the future.

Due to his long experience in the rubber business, under practical working conditions in the field, Mr. Seybold, sees many reforms and improvements which are not only desirable but probably necessary to the success of the venture. He combines frankness and outspoken criticism with an ability to get along well with others, and his keenness of observation and extraordinary capacity for work make him the mainstay of the Firestone organization. His policy is to avoid calling on the American Legation for assistance unless absolutely necessary and to manage the affairs of his company in direct negotiation with the Liberian Government. So far, he seems to have succeeded admirably in his aims and to have established a firm and friendly basis for dealing with the Government.

. . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Conduct of the “Boise” Personnel

I feel that a special word should be spoken as to the excellent behavior of the Boise’s personnel while on shore leave at Monrovia. When the Raleigh visited Liberia ten years ago, the enlisted men were not granted liberty, but it was determined this time to give an opportunity to go ashore for a short time to anyone who desired and who was entitled to do so. To provide this opportunity for some 800 men at a port such as Monrovia presented many problems, but it was accomplished with complete success and without the slightest untoward incident. The conduct of the men was not only above reproach but occasioned many favorable comments, particularly as to their excellent appearance.

The officers without exception showed the fullest appreciation of their responsibility and made a uniformly favorable impression on Liberians and foreigners alike. Their military appearance was contrasted with that of the officers of the British sloop which recently called at Monrovia, to the detriment of the latter.

The tact, courtesy and unstudied friendliness of Captain McCandlish and the officers who accompanied him at official entertainments did much to ensure the success of the visit. Their efforts made the presence of the Boise at Monrovia a good will mission in the highest sense of the term and fully accomplished the purpose for which the vessel was sent.

. . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Respectfully yours,

Henry S. Villard

40. Not printed.
41. None printed.
42. For further details on fears of Germany, see pp. 836 ff.
43. See pp. 770 ff.
44. For further correspondence on this subject, see pp. 836 ff.
45. For further correspondence regarding U. S. Steel Corporation survey in Liberia, see pp. 770 ff.
46. “Pour prendre conge”, a leave-taking call.
47. See telegram No. 24, May 28, 1 p.m., to the Chargé in Liberia, p. 797.