852.00/5091
The Ambassador in the Soviet Union (Davies) to the Secretary of State
[Received April 8.]
Sir: I have the honor to report the following:
Pursuant to an appointment made, I called upon Commissar for Foreign Affairs Litvinov to present my respects before departure for the United States. Explaining that I was leaving for a short visit home, I stated that I would return here in June.
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I then asked him how the Spanish situation was coming on. He stated that from the point of view of the Republican forces, very well; that from the point of view of European peace, almost too well. He expressed the fear that the reverses of the Italian forces would stimulate Mussolini to project additional forces into Spain, to rehabilitate his prestige. In that connection, he stated that the International Committee in London was having great difficulty; that the situation looked very bad; that pursuant to German suggestion it had taken up for consideration the evacuation of all volunteers in Spain; [Page 264] that thereupon Grandi had interposed the condition that before such consideration the matter of the embargo upon the gold of the Spanish Government should first be considered; that after the other Governments had acceded thereto, Grandi announced that the Italian Government would not discuss further the matter of the evacuation of volunteers in Spain.
As to his suggestion of the desperate character of the situation, I suggested that it might be natural for Mussolini to wish to reestablish his prestige before engaging in further discussions, but that conditions in Spain seemed to change very rapidly, for it was only two weeks ago that the Spanish Ambassador had stated to me that his Government was seriously contemplating the possibility of declaring war on Italy, and seemed very downcast over the reverses that the Republican forces had sustained; and that now, within two weeks, there was a complete reversal in position; and that therefore it was possible the situation might change for the better equally quickly. Litvinov stated that was possible, but reiterated as his firm opinion that if the Italians were to send additional forces into Spain the situation would be most serious for European peace. He emphasized strongly if the democratic governments would now serve firm notice upon Italy that such action would not be tolerated that Mussolini would not take such action, for he said Italy did not want European war; that internal conditions, economic and political, in Italy were not good and that Italy could not stand a European war. When I suggested that perhaps the democratic countries, including England, did not wish to hazard a firm position until they were prepared adequately, he stated that neither Germany nor Italy were prepared adequately. To my expressions of surprise that Germany was not prepared from a military point of view, he stated again that their information was positive that Germany was not ready, even in a military sense, leaving out of consideration the economic background. I then stated that I had heard rumors that the Soviet Union was apprehensive lest France and England might possibly make a peace in Western Europe with Germany and Italy, leaving Russia to face Germany alone. He stated very positively that in his opinion that was not the fact.
I then stated that the European situation in its elementals looked simple; and that it was difficult to understand why the statesmanship of Europe could not provide that England, France, Germany, Italy and Russia should agree to preserve the territorial integrity of Europe and through trade agreements provide Germany with raw materials and thereby the assurance that she could live, which would relieve the peoples of Europe and the world of these terrific burdens of armament and the fear of catastrophic war. The prompt rejoinder was: “Do you think Hitler would ever agree to anything like that?” I said that I did not know, but that it was my opinion that there was a very [Page 265] substantial body of influential and responsible thought in Germany that such an idea would appeal to. Litvinov rejoined that he thought that might be so; that Schacht was of that type; he did not think they could prevail against Hitler and the political and military forces dominant in Germany. He then stated that the only hope for the preservation of European peace was a prompt, firm declaration of the democracies of Europe that they were standing together for peace; he named France, Russia and Czechoslovakia. He then said that if the United States were to join in such a declaration it would mean not only European but world peace as well, as it would also settle the Japanese question. I rejoined that we did not feel any serious apprehension with reference to Japan, and that generally speaking our people were seriously opposed to becoming embroiled or entangled in European troubles. On the other hand, I personally felt confident that both the President of the United States and the Secretary of State were devoted to the cause of peace and would be glad to contribute in any way that was possible consistent with our traditional policies, if and when the time was ripe. I impressed upon him, however, that, in so speaking, I was expressing only my personal views.
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The conference ended with his expressions of good will to the President of the United States and to the Secretary of State and personal wishes for a good voyage.
For reasons which I shall explain orally on my arrival in Washington, I did not take up any specific matters.
Respectfully yours,