894.001H61/89

The Chargé in Japan (Neville) to the Secretary of State

No. 1429

Sir: I have the honor to inform the Department that on August 3, 1935, the Japanese Government released a statement regarding the position of the Emperor in the Japanese political system. This action was a consequence of the opposition to the views of various constitutional commentators, Dr. Minobe chiefly, which subject has previously been reported by the Embassy in its despatches No. 1208 of March 22, 1935, No. 1233 of April 5, 1935, and No. 1301 of May 14, 1935.63

It will be recalled that in February 1935 a retired army officer interpellated the government in the House of Peers as to its intentions for protecting public opinion against subversive political ideas contained in writings by Dr. Minobe. The matter was taken up by various political and patriotic groups and quickly became an issue of great public interest. The government showed itself on the defensive in the matter, not much concerned but closely watching the situation with a readiness to make what concessions might be unavoidable. Press and “patriots” did not permit the question to lapse, and the result has been the government’s pronouncement of August 3. In tone and content it is a victory for Japanese imperial fundamentalists. The statement, although unsigned, is reported to have received the approval of the entire cabinet. The Embassy’s translation is as follows:

Reflecting with reverence:

The form of our state was made manifest through the Divine Command vouchsafed upon the occasion of the descent of the Grandson of the Sun Goddess. One everlasting line of Emperors rules [Page 870] the land. The prosperity of the Imperial regime is as limitless as heaven and earth.

In the Imperial Edict promulgating the constitution is the pronouncement, “The supreme authority We have received from Our Ancestors, and We shall hand it down to Our descendants.” In Article I of the constitution it is stated, “The Empire of Japan shall be ruled by one everlasting line of Emperors.” It is evident that the supreme authority to rule the Japanese Empire rests firmly in the Emperor.

Any such assertion as that the Emperor is the organ for the exercise of the supreme power which itself does not rest in the Emperor would contradict the fundamental principle of our unparalleled state structure. It is highly regrettable to witness of late, in connection with constitutional theory, a variety of opinions relating to the fundamental state principle; and the Government, redoubling its efforts to make clear the nature of the state, is determined to bring into operation its essential nature. In consequence this statement is made and the widespread cooperation of all quarters is hoped for.

The August 3 statement looks like another step towards what has been called the colossal effort of Japan, commenced in the Meiji period, to create a new national religion. To be sure, the document is not an Imperial utterance, and therefore lacks the prestige possessed by the series of rescripts which together constitute the sacred literature of post-Restoration Japan; but as the culmination of a noteworthy movement in Japanese politics it marks a phase which is historically important. The new needs of Japan which flooded in upon its being opened to occidental contact called for some principle to unify the efforts of the nation, and the country’s leaders deliberately chose for this purpose a religion to be built around the Emperor. It was called Shinto; Basil Hall Chamberlain aptly called it Japan-worship. It took over and exploited for its own uses the most obvious and notorious tricks known to the art of pooling national self-esteem. Crude as the formulas were, it must be admitted that the Meiji leaders accurately knew their compatriots. The war against China and the war against Russia were successful tests. Then began a period during which scholars occasionally appeared to be venturing into freer ground and occasionally some isolated circumstance suggested that in the course of time the exaggerated formulas of the new religion, having served their purpose, would take their deserved rest among forms recognized as outworn. From 1931 the Manchuria adventure seems to have strengthened retrogressive forces in the nation which were already checking this same tendency. How great that check has been is tragically revealed by the wording of the statement of August 3, 1935, issued by the Okada cabinet because it was forced to do so.

What action will be taken specifically against Dr. Minobe has not even now been revealed. The government perhaps hopes that its broad concessions in principle will appease the fundamentalists and remove the necessity of personal action. As regards Baron Ikki, the [Page 871] president of the privy council who has also been under political attack for his supposed institutional ideas of the position of the Emperor, Premier Okada has gone out of his way to state that he considers the Baron entirely qualified to continue in his duties.

Respectfully yours,

Edwin L. Neville
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