Foreign Relations of the United States Diplomatic Papers, 1935, General, The Near East and Africa, Volume I

765.84/1134: Telegram

The Ambassador in Italy (Long) to the Secretary of State ⁷²

Rome, September 12, 1935—5 p.m.
[Received 5:15 p.m.]

572. The Ethiopian campaign is developing to be only a detail in the general uncertainty which involves all Europe as well as Africa. If it is allowed to progress to the point of actual hostilities, it may involve half the world in a catastrophe and change the foundations of political society.

In the midst of these circumstances and out of a real desire to be of some service in the direction of a peaceful solution, I submit my thoughts to the responsible officers of my Government in the hope that they will give them due consideration.

Fully conscious of the fixed policy of the American Government to abstain from any interference in European affairs yet realizing its power and prestige and its profound desire to contribute to the maintenance of peace, I proceed to make a suggestion for the solution of the tangled skein of European difficulties with the idea that you may consider its usefulness.

It is predicated, first, on the definite belief that Italy will now need additions to her territory in Africa as a condition precedent and as a happy corollary to any agreement to withhold military operations; second, that Germany will have to be brought into any arrangement for further division of African territory but that any such cession to her might serve as the quid pro quo for a peaceful settlement of the Austrian question; and third, that an agreement between France, Germany is fundamental to continued peace on the Continent.

1. Italy by agreement of England and France to receive territorial adjustments to include all the lowlands of Abyssinia and some of the uplands as far as Addis Ababa and west Mia for some miles and south to the British border. The Italian maps of original Abyssinia and its recently conquered dependencies as submitted to the League by Italy as part of her memorial would indicate the extent of territory to be acquired by Italy.

2. Ethiopia to have a new capital in the confines of old Abyssinia and to be guaranteed as to its territorial integrity and sovereignty by Italy, France, and England.

3. Germany (a) to be brought into the discussions and a tentative agreement arrived at to cede back to Germany certain of its former African Colonies on condition that Germany recognize and join as guarantor with the other three powers the independence of Austria; (b) that Germany’s assumption of arms on land, sea, and in air be confirmed by the other three powers; (c) that Germany, Italy, France, and England agree to attend in 60 days a conference for the reduction of land and air forces in Europe with the object of reducing military establishments and when they have reached tentative agreements to call in other European powers to confer on general proportionate reductions—all to become operative after general agreement.

4. The four powers to subscribe mutually operative nonaggression pacts and (b) invoke Locarno for the air and land, and subsequently open both agreements for the adherence of all European Governments.

5. The four powers to open simultaneously with the Arms Seduction Conference, another conference for lowering tariff barriers and obstacles to trade and for monetary stabilization, and open that agreement for signature by all European Governments.

I really doubt that anything in the nature of a compromise will stop Mussolini. But in the face of firm opposition now developed he might be persuaded that out of such an arrangement he would obtain much of the territory heretofore subjugated by Ethiopia and practically attain his objectives without war. I also really doubt that France will make any friendly agreement with Germany or admit her right to armament. But in the embarrassment in which she now finds herself there is a chance she might. Ethiopia itself would remain as an independent state to the extent of its original confines and the obligations of Governments members of the League would be reasonably discharged as a matter of international law. Germany then would benefit by territory for expansion presumably at the expense of England but would commit herself in the matter of Austrian independence which is so necessary for European tranquility. England would be making a heavy contribution for the general good but would have no European challenge on the seas and would be confirmed in the control of the Suez Canal and her route to the East. Continental land and air armaments would be reduced, a definite period of peace would appear in prospect, taxes could be reduced, trade would be thrown open, a degree of prosperity would return to take the attention of Governments from war and the exclusive occupation of factories from the production of war materials, and Germany and France would have removed from their relations the irritation of mutual suspicion and armed preparations for conflict.

This proposal is outside the scope of the League of Nations. I am sure I need not add that I have discussed it with no one. It is not proposed to me by anyone. It develops out of my understanding of European affairs and is submitted in the conscientious hope that it may be of some service in preventing the development of an impending calamity.

Long

72. In reply to this telegram the Secretary of State telegraphed in No. 143, September 14, 2 p.m.: “Your plan as set forth in your 572 is exceedingly interesting and we appreciate the consideration and study you have given to the subject. Of course we ourselves could not take any steps along those lines.” (765.84/1152)