765.84/1039: Telegram

The Consul at Geneva (Gilbert) to the Secretary of State

293. Consulate’s 289, September 4, 5 p.m.71 After the private meeting the Council sat in public with Guiñazu, the Argentine representative, presiding.

The following is a summary of the proceedings:

(1) The President announced that the decision of the Arbitral Commission concerning Wal Wal incident had been delivered, that the five arbitrators had unanimously concurred therein, that the decision had been communicated to the Secretary General and would be distributed at once. He then recalled that the Council had decided on August 3 to meet today to consider the general question of the relations between Italy and Ethiopia72 and stated that the Council would like to be informed concerning the conversations which had taken place in the interval.

(2) Eden first made a statement concerning the Paris conversations in which he outlined the proposals which had been submitted to and rejected by the Italian Government. He feels that the suggestions made to Italy were of an exploratory nature which did not commit the Governments concerned. The proposals as outlined by Eden may be summarized as follows:

(a)
While not failing to recognize that the situation of Abyssinia might call for extensive reforms, it was felt that these reforms should be clearly assented to by Abyssinia in the fullness of her sovereignty and without anything being imposed on her contrary to her independence or her integrity.
(b)
As a member of the League of Nations Abyssinia might appeal to the League for the collaboration and assistance necessary to assure the economic development and administrative reorganization of the country.
(c)
France, Great Britain and Italy as limitrophe powers would be particularly well qualified to lend this collective assistance either by virtue of a mission entrusted to them by the Council or through a treaty between the three Powers and the Abyssinian Government approved by the Council.
(d)
The work of reorganization was to have extended to economic, financial, commercial and constructional development; foreign settlement; modernization of administrative services; anti-slavery measures and frontier and other police services.
(e)
The collective character of the assistance would not have prevented particular account being taken of the special interests of Italy.
(f)
The Powers did not examine but the proposals did not exclude the possibility of territorial adjustments between Italy and Abyssinia.

After the foregoing Eden made a general statement concerning the British position after describing postwar efforts to create a new international order through such instruments as the League Covenant and the Pact of Paris. He said, “It is because His Majesty’s Government are acutely conscious of their responsibilities as members of the League, because they are prepared [to] fulfill their share of such responsibilities, that I can assure my colleagues of our most wholehearted cooperation in the difficult task that confronts us. I am sure that all of us as members of the Council of the League must be fully alive to our responsibilities at this time. World opinion is watching us.”

He then referred to the successes of the League in the past and recalled the important part played therein by Italy. He emphasized the grave consequences to the League and international order should the League fail in this dispute. He repeated that in this dispute between Italy and Abyssinia there was no question of any political or economic conflict between the United Kingdom and Italy, Great Britain’s only concern being as a member of the League and signatory of the Pact of Paris. He concluded as follows: “In the position in which we find ourselves today the nature of the task which lies before the Council is plain. It is our duty to use the machinery of the League that lies to our hand. Let us set it to work forthwith and if we may obtain the loyal collaboration of the two parties to the dispute then we shall not fail to achieve that peaceful settlement which we so earnestly desire.”

(3) Laval in a general statement which threw no new light on the French position expressed France’s attachment to the principle of collective security and said that he refused to believe that an equitable settlement could not be reached which would give satisfaction to legitimate Italian claims without jeopardizing the essential rights of Ethiopian sovereignty.

(4) Aloisi said he was submitting to the Council a memorandum which contained in detail the numerous reasons why his Government considered that Ethiopia had systematically and openly violated all the conventional undertakings which it had assumed both towards Italy and the League. It was for the same reasons that Italy had been unable to consider the proposals made in Paris. For nearly 50 years Italy had patiently pursued a policy of peaceful collaboration with respect to Ethiopia. This was marked by (a), Italian support of Ethiopia’s candidacy for admission to the League and (b), signature in [Page 645] 1928 of a Treaty of Friendship of long duration and comprehensive nature. Under this treaty Italy had agreed to arbitrate the Wal Wal incident which, even though material proof of eventual responsibility had not been entirely established, had shown the attitude of the Ethiopian Government through the circumstance of a premeditated attack.

He said that Ethiopia had been increasing its armaments and multiplying its hostile manifestations against the Italian colonies any one of which would have justified a resort to war against her. Italy had been patient for a long time but had finally become convinced of Ethiopia’s enmity and could no longer remain passive toward a barbarous country incapable of controlling itself or its subjects who threatened the Italian frontiers.

He pointed out that the League Covenant not only provided member states with guarantees but imposed obligations which justified the guarantees. Any other interpretation would provide unworthy states with an asylum incompatible with the security of the rest of the world. The subcommittee which considered the admission of Ethiopia to the League had reported that it had been unable to determine with certainty the extent of the Government’s control over the remote provinces and that it could not affirm that Ethiopia’s international obligations had in the past been entirely fulfilled. Despite a general belief that Ethiopia was not eligible the Assembly had preferred to show confidence in Ethiopia and Italy had shown its good will by supporting this position. Yet in 12 years there had been no real change in Ethiopia. Its Government did nothing to make itself worthy of belonging to the Community of civilized nations and it even had failed to live up to the obligations which it had undertaken in order to enter the League.

He stated that under the circumstances Ethiopia could not have either equality of rights nor of duties with civilized states. If such an equality had been granted Ethiopia there was no reason why a mistake made in 1923 should be allowed to continue to the prejudice of other states. Italy admitted that it had participated in that mistake and Aloisi here recalled that the Australian delegate had declared that the admission of backward peoples into the League could hardly be justified. He referred at this point to the continuance of slavery in Ethiopia.

Aloisi said that “to pretend that the Members of the League of Nations are obliged to observe the rules of the Covenant in their relations with a member which has always and constantly violates outright those rules is contrary to every principle of right and of justice”. He said that his Government “is obliged to declare that Italy would feel deeply wounded in its dignity as a civilized nation if she continued discussions within the League of Nations on a footing of equality with Ethiopia. She refuses in fact to recognize such [Page 646] equality …”. Furthermore, Italy could no longer count on the provisions of the Treaty of 1928 to guarantee the peaceful existence of the Italian territories, nor in the case of a country like Ethiopia could she depend upon purely juridical guarantees to safeguard her colonies. In conclusion he stated that his Government reserved full liberty of action to take whatever measures might become necessary for the security of its colonies and the defense of its interests.

(5) Jèze expressed amazement at Italy’s indictment of Ethiopia as to which he made an energetic protest. He insisted upon the extreme gravity of such a precedent as discussing in the Council the domestic situation of a nation and of seeking through such considerations a sentence of death. He recalled that as early as January the Ethiopian Government had agreed to arbitrate the Wal Wal incident and to pay any reparation fixed by impartial arbitrators. That incident which had been the sole reason invoked for military preparations had now been definitely settled and Ethiopia absolved of all responsibility. Under the circumstances why has, as pointed out at this point, Italy produced its new indictment, a new pretext invoked against Ethiopia. The Ethiopian Government was naturally not prepared to reply on the instant but time pressed and the Council had to deal immediately with the question of a possible war of extermination breaking out within a few days.

(6) The Spanish delegate while reserving the right to define later the attitude of his Government urged as a matter of principle that contrary to certain defeatist tendencies now evident the League use all the means at its disposal for the maintenance of peace. Pointing out that time was an essential factor he said the procedure of the Covenant must quickly be set in motion and that the Council should not approach its task with the idea that it was faced with an irremediable situation but with the firm determination to safeguard the peace.

(7) While the foregoing to a degree renders explicit the positions of the states most interested, the background afforded by private conversations and the general atmosphere of the situation here does not suggest any necessary finality in these positions or their translation into the action implied.

Gilbert
  1. Not printed.
  2. See League of Nations, Official Journal, August 1935, p. 967.