893.01 Inner Mongolia/29
The Acting Military Attaché in China (Constant) to the Chief of Staff, United States Army (MacArthur)53
In compliance with the regulations promulgated by the National Government on March 7th governing the formation of the Mongolian District Self-Government Political Affairs Council (see G–2 Report No. 8800), the Mongols have taken steps toward the formation of this organization. By reason of its central location the white and red walled temple group of Pailingmiao has been selected as the temporary capital. Later it is planned to erect suitable buildings near the temples for the “Meng Cheng Huai” as the government is known in Chinese. At the present time, however, the members, secretaries and other officials are quartered in the houses of the Lama priests who have moved to more cramped dwellings to make room for them. There are no buildings in Pailingmiao other than the temples and dwelling houses of the priests which are built in Tibetan style.
Here then to the accompaniment of Lama chants and the weird sounds of gongs, cymbals and horns, the new Autonomous Government of Inner Mongolia was formally established on April 23rd. At the head is Yun Wang (Prince Yun) the most venerable of the Mongol Princes. He will be assisted by So Wang and Sha Wang, all three belonging to the more moderate group. Following the establishment of the Council these princes went back to their banners leaving most of the details of organization in the hands of Te Wang (Prince Teh) of West Sunnit Banner. Te Wang is the acknowledged leader of the “Young Mongols” but is not believed to be as opposed to the more conservative elements as is generally thought.
While Te Wang did not secure a position as one of the heads of the new government, actually as Secretary he will be able to exert more influence than ever as nearly all administrative matters pass through [Page 226] his hands. In addition to this he is acting head of the Defense Department and in actual chargé of the training of recruits for the new Mongol Army which it is hoped to organize. If he plays his cards properly, he may well be the dominant figure in Mongolia, though he pulls the strings from behind the scenery furnished by the three elder statesmen mentioned above.
Te Wang apparently has the confidence of the older princes and it is quite evident from conversations with him and other Mongol leaders that there is a firm belief that the hope of the Mongol Leagues and Banners lies in a united and autonomous Mongolia. Despite their dislike of the Chinese for their methods of encroaching upon Mongol land and maladministration of former governors of Chahar and Suiyuan, the Mongols believe that there is vastly more chance of achieving their aims with China than by joining Manchoukuo. They fully realize, according to Te Wang, that should they make any agreement with Japan, the Japanese would not rest until Mongolia was a vassal state. However the Mongols are not slow to see the trading value of their position and by skillfully playing on the danger of Japanese aggression or intrigue in Inner Mongolia, the Mongols have succeeded in obtaining promises from the Nanking Government which satisfy nearly all their demands.
Under the regulations promulgated by Nanking (see G–2 Report No. 8800), Mongolia under the “Meng Cheng Huai” is given virtually the same powers as those of a province. The Council represents all of the sixty-seven banners in North China, Manchuria and Koko Nor and the administration of the Mongol territory is placed almost entirely in the hands of Mongols.
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Comments: The Mongolian Autonomy Council is just three months old. In that short time more progress has been made toward organization than has been seen in Inner Mongolia for many years. It is believed that all the Mongol leaders earnestly desire an independent Mongolia with as little supervision from outside sources as possible. They are bound to China by many ties and believe themselves capable of handling the Chinese politically and militarily as well if necessary. They are firmly convinced that any agreement with Japan will mean the end of their autonomy aims.
It is the belief of this office that while making the most of the Japanese angle as a trading factor with the Chinese, the Mongols will not join with Manchoukuo nor ally themselves with Japan while any other alternative presents itself. It is believed that Mongolia will retain its present status under nominal Chinese control unless actually occupied by Japanese troops, a thing which is neither believed probable nor possible at this time. Japanese efforts at economic and political [Page 227] penetration may be expected but both will be far more difficult in Inner Mongolia than inside the Wall. Russian activity in Inner Mongolia is considered negligible.
It will be noted in the table showing membership of the Autonomy Council that the Jehol and Manchurian Banners are represented. These members came from Jehol and Manchuria but are not able to return there at the present time. Their communication with their respective banners is of course uncertain and intermittent as the Japanese are using every effort to dominate these Mongols. Further details concerning the Mongol Leagues and Banners will be found in G–2 Report No. 8724, “Tribal Elements of Inner Mongolia”.
Major, Cavalry (D. O. L.)
- Copy transmitted to the Department by the Chief of Staff without covering despatch; received September 6.↩