611.3531/122

The Ambassador in Argentina (Bliss) to the Secretary of State

No. 1947

Sir: Confirming my telegram No. 14 of yesterday’s date,50 I have the honor to enclose herewith, in copy and translation, the note which the Minister for Foreign Affairs handed me yesterday at the Foreign Office in answer to the one I addressed him under date of December 10 last, a copy of which was forwarded to the Department in my despatch No. 1897 of December 15.

On opening our conversation, I said to the Minister that my Government was very surprised he had not answered the representations I had made on its behalf and that I had received instructions by telegraph to request an immediate and favorable reply. The Minister then handed me the note above referred to.

He said to me that he expected to discuss with the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Chile, in the meeting they were to hold in Mendoza next week, details of a permanent commercial agreement to replace the existing modus vivendi and that it was his understanding that Chile would not desire to repeat in the new agreement the products included in the modus vivendi which were exported to Argentina by foreign countries, experience having shown that Chile could not compete on an equal basis with European producers of those products. To this I replied that I did not see how that affected the claim of my Government, that the prejudice caused to American interests by the extension of the provisions of the modus vivendi to three European countries still continued and furthermore that the question of principle involved concerning the gratuitous extension to other countries of the provisions of the modus vivendi could not be put aside by a subsequent commercial treaty between Chile and Argentina. The Minister’s only reply was to say that the modus vivendi had been made by Argentina as a gesture of friendly neighborliness in a desire to come to the assistance of Chile at a time when that country was in dire distress.

[Page 699]

I again referred to the desire of my Government that a favorable response be given to its request to place its nationals on an equal footing with those of France, Great Britain and Italy and that his rejection of this request, he having confirmed that his note was to this effect, seriously injured American commercial intercourse with Argentina.

The Minister said that I had previously spoken to him about goods in transit as being prejudiced by the application of the modus vivendi, to which I rejoined that not only were those goods affected, but that since then the American exports affected by the extension of the provisions of the modus vivendi to other countries than Chile had practically ceased and that he could realize the seriousness which this situation had produced.

The Minister then spoke, as he has in several previous conversations with me, of the representations being made by the German Chargé d’Affaires in regard to this question of the modus vivendi, insinuating that it was unsatisfactory for him to deal with a Chargé d’Affaires who was evidently trying to make a record for himself and that he had intimated to the German Government, through the Argentine Minister in Berlin, his hope that a German Minister would speedily be sent to Buenos Aires. In this respect, it may be noted that the newspapers announced some days ago the appointment of a German Minister but I am, of course, unable to state whether the German Government made the appointment previous or subsequent to the alleged informal representations by the Argentine Minister to Germany. In this respect, I also desire to state that in my opinion Dr. Hemmen, the German Chargé d’Affaires, is not the type of diplomat who would be disposed to exceed his instructions or be unreasonable in presenting them merely in a desire to improve his standing with his Foreign Office. He impresses me as an intelligent, hard-working German with characteristic meticulous methods of approach to a difficult question and hardly capable of presenting it in the way the Foreign Minister would have me believe.

Dr. Hemmen tells me that some years ago his Government desisted from concluding a commercial treaty with a foreign power because of representations made in Berlin by the Argentine Minister to the effect that the Argentine Government considered the provisions of Articles 3 and 4 of the treaty between it and Germany were of an unconditional nature and entitled Argentine products to the same tariff reductions granted by Germany to other countries and that the German Government obtained from the Argentine Government a written interpretation of the Treaty of Commerce between the two countries (Articles 3 and 4 of which are identic with the similar articles in our Treaty of 1853 with Argentina) as being unconditional in most-favored-nation treatment.

[Page 700]

I shall endeavor to obtain from the German Legation, for the information of the Department, a copy of such communication as may have been made by the Argentine Government in this respect.

Respectfully yours,

Robert Woods Bliss
[Enclosure—Translation]51

The Argentine Minister for Foreign Affairs (Saavedra Lamas) to the American Ambassador (Bliss)

Mr. Ambassador: I take pleasure in acknowledging receipt of Your Excellency’s notes of November 24th and December 10th 1932, No. 845 and 850, referring to the modus vivendi effected on November 12th last between Argentina and Chile. In those notes Your Excellency requests that the reductions granted to Chile and subsequently extended to France, Great Britain and Italy, be conceded in like manner and on a gratuitous basis to similar products of American origin. You base your request on article 4 of the Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation of 1853, in force between the United States and Argentina, and on the circumstance that the reductions were extended to the said European countries without demanding any compensation in return, which makes applicable article 3 of the treaty in question by virtue of which privileges granted gratuitously to products of third powers must be conceded without equivalent compensation to similar products of the United States.

In reply, I must inform Your Excellency that the modus vivendi with Chile was effected by way of an experiment (ensayo) and for a short period which will terminate within some three and a half months. It is an agreement intended to give economic assistance to a neighboring country passing through a great crisis, in order to reestablish its severed communication with the Atlantic, by resuming Transandine Railway traffic which is the only means of communication. The reduction granted to Chile was extended to similar products of France, Great Britain and Italy, because the treaties with France and Italy stipulate the treatment of the most favored nation “without any restriction whatever”, and the treaty with Great Britain is absolutely unconditional.

The advantages of the modus vivendi have been extended to France by virtue of the text of article 1 of the Commercial Convention supplementary to the Treaty of July 10, 1853, signed with Argentina in 1892, which sets forth that:52 [Page 701]

“Whereas the Treaty of July 10, 1853, provides that the Argentine Republic shall not accord any favor or immunity to the flag or commerce of another nation unless it be likewise accorded in France to the flag or commerce of another nation, it shall be made equally extensive to the Argentine commerce or flag. It is understood that in virtue of the application of this provision and of that contained in article 8 of the Treaty of 1853, the nationals as also the products and ships of each of the two countries shall have right to the most-favored-nation treatment, without any restriction, especially in the matter of tariffs.”

Equal advantages have been extended to similar products of Italy, in fulfillment of the Argentine-Italian Convention of 1894,53 whose article 1 reads as follows:

“Argentine citizens, products and ships in Italy and Italian citizens, products and ships in Argentina, shall be entitled without any restriction to the most-favored-nation treatment and shall consequently be entitled to the enjoyment of any favor, privilege or immunity that shall be accorded in the Argentine or in Italy to the citizens, products and ships of any other nation.”

The same concession was granted to similar products of Great Britain, because in the Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation in force with Argentina since 1825,54 the most-favored-nation treatment for citizens, ships or products, is absolutely unconditional. In effect, its article 4 establishes that:

“No higher or other duties shall be imposed on the importation into the Territories of His Britannick Majesty of any articles of the growth, produce, or manufacture of the United Provinces of Rio de la Plata, and no higher or other duties shall be imposed on the importation into the said United Provinces of any articles of the growth, produce or manufacture of His Britannick Majesty’s Dominions than are or shall be payable on the like articles being the growth, produce or manufacture of any other foreign country; nor shall any other or higher duties or charges be imposed in the territories or dominions of either of the Contracting Parties on the exportation of any articles to the territories or dominions of the other than such as are or may be payable on the exportation of the like articles to any other foreign country; nor shall any prohibition be imposed upon the exportation or importation of any articles the growth, produce or manufacture of His Britannick Majesty’s Dominions or of the said United Provinces which shall not equally extend to all other Nations.”

The situation is different in the Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation signed between the United States and Argentina on July 27, 1853. The articles mentioned by Your Excellency are the 3rd and 4th.

[Page 702]

Article 3 establishes that:

“The two high contracting parties agree that any favor, exemption, privilege, or immunity whatever, in matters of commerce or navigation, which either of them has actually granted, or may hereafter grant, to the citizens or subjects of any other government, nation, or state, shall extend in identity of cases and circumstances, to the citizens of the other contracting party gratuitously, if the concession in favor of that other government, nation or state shall have been gratuitous—or, in return for an equivalent compensation, if the concession shall have been conditional.”

Article 4 says:

“No higher or other duties shall be imposed on the importation into the territories of either of two contracting parties, of any article, of the growth, produce or manufacture of the territories of the other contracting party, than are or shall be payable on the like article of any other foreign country; nor shall any other or higher duties or charges be imposed in the territories of either of the contracting parties on the exportation of any article to the territories of the other, than such as are or shall be payable on the exportation of the like article to any other foreign country; nor shall any prohibition be imposed upon the importation or exportation of any article of the growth, produce or manufacture of the territories of either of the contracting parties, to or from the territories of the other, which shall not equally extend to the like article of any other foreign country.”

Before beginning to study the interpretation of articles 3 and 4 of the Treaty of 1853 between Argentina and the United States, I must inform Your Excellency that this Chancellery regrets that it does not share the opinion expressed in the note of December 10th last, to which I am now replying, in which the same gratuitous extension of the reduction which was granted to the products of France, Great Britain, and Italy by virtue of the modus vivendi with Chile is requested for products of the United States: the most-favored-nation clause cannot produce that effect; it establishes a relation between three entities, that is, between two contracting Powers and a third State; any commercial or tariff favor or advantage granted by one of the contracting Powers to the third State may be claimed by the other contracting State, gratuitously or conditionally, according to the form applied to the clause; but the treatment of the most favored nation is limited to those three entities, and not to the immediate consequences resulting from the co-existence of other treaties signed with other powers. Were such an interpretation admitted, negotiations would be impossible and the immediate object sought in contracting the most-favored-nation clause would be exceeded. For these reasons, it is not possible for this Chancellery to accord to the products of the United States gratuitously the reductions granted to similar products of France, Great Britain and Italy. Any claim must be in connection with privileges granted to Chile.

[Page 703]

To return to the interpretation of the clause contained in the Treaty of 1853, it is indispensable that articles 3 and 4 which constitute an indivisible whole, be considered together (combinar). Unlike the agreements with the three above-mentioned European countries, the Treaty with the United States is expressly conditional and requires equivalent cases and circumstances in order to invoke the treatment of the most favored nation. The extension of privileges granted to Chile requires the offer of an equivalent compensation, not only according to article 3 of the Treaty, but also because it is so required by article 76 of the Customs Law in virtue of which the reduction granted to Chilean products was established. In treaties such as ours with the United States, which contains two most-favored-nation clauses, one of which has a conditional form as that in article 3, and the other an unconditional form as that in article 4, it is understood that the former stipulates the general principle or—as the North Americans say—constitutes the “covering clause”, that is to say, that the general principle covers the particular principle, in such a way that if the general rule is conditionality the special rule is too, although the latter may not say anything in this respect. That is the real interpretation given not only by the Argentine Government, but also by the United States during all of the XIXth century and the first quarter of the XXth to the clause drafted in unconditional form.

This interpretation was supported by great men of the United States such as Adams in 1817, Monroe in 1821, Gallatin in 1823, Livingston in 1832, Frelinghuysen in 1884, Bayard in 1886, Sherman in 1898, and other American statesmen.55

During the incident brought about by the Anglo-American Treaty of July 3, 1805 [1815],56 when France claimed the treatment of the most favored nation for its ships by virtue of its own treaty with the United States of 1803,57 Mr. Adams declared on December 23, 1817:58

“It is true that the terms of the eighth article are positive and unconditional; but it will readily be perceived that the condition, though not expressed in the article, is inherent in the advantage claimed under it”.

The United States believe that when there is conceded gratuitously to one country that which is not obtained by another except through compensation, the first is not given equal treatment but a more favorable treatment than is granted to the second.

[Page 704]

Thus, in a note addressed to Mr. Hubbard on July 17, 1886, Mr. Bayard, Secretary of State, said:59

“You will doubtless have understood that where the words qualified and unqualified [are applied] to the most-favored-nation treatment, they are used merely as a convenient distinction between the two forms such a clause generally assumes in treaties, one containing the proviso that any favor granted by one of the contracting parties to a third party shall likewise accrue to the other party, freely if freely given, or for an equivalent if conditional—and the other not so amplified. This proviso, when it occurs, is merely explanatory and is inserted out of abundant caution. Its absence does not impair the rule of international law that such concessions are only gratuitous and so transferable as to third parties when not based on reciprocity or mutual interests of the contracting parties. This principle has been long and consistently maintained by the United States. It was held by two of my predecessors, Mr. Clay and Mr. Livingston, that a covenant to extend to third parties the privileges granted to a most-favored nation refers to gratuitous privileges and does not cover privileges granted on the condition of a reciprocal advantage, i. e., for a consideration expressed.”

And the same opinion was expressed on January 11, 1898, by the Secretary of State, Mr. Sherman, in a circular to various North American Legations and also to the Minister in Buenos Aires, Mr. Buchanan.60 He said:

“It is clearly evident that the object sought in all the varying forms of expression is equality of international treatment, protection against the wilful preference of the commercial interests of one nation over another. But the allowance of the same privileges and the same sacrifice of revenue duties, to a nation which makes no compensation, that had been conceded to another nation for an adequate compensation, instead of maintaining destroys that equality of market privileges which the most-favored-nation clause was intended to secure.”

Besides the reasons thus expressed in favor of the restrictive interpretation, there is a special condition in the modus vivendi with Chile that derives from its position as a neighboring country and another condition connected with communication by the Transandine Railway that is a factor for which no substitute can be found. From this point of view, priority likewise belongs to the United States as regards the doctrine which was subsequently adopted by several European countries in their recent commercial treaties. I refer to the idea that it is expedient to except favors granted by countries that are neighboring or have a common boundary from the most-favored-nation clause, and that this exception is found to be implicit in the treaties containing a conditional clause. The aforementioned [Page 705] note from the Secretary of State, Mr. Bayard to Mr. Hubbard, in 1886, said:61

“That propinquity and neighborliness may create special and peculiar terms of intercourse not equally open to all the world”.

This is a conception which the Secretary of State, Sherman, in his communication to Buchanan expressed as follows, in 1898:62

“The neighborhood of nations, their border interests, their differences of climate, soil, and production, their respective capacity for manufacture, their widely different demands for consumption, the magnitude of the reciprocal markets, are so many conditions which require special treatment. No general tariff can satisfy such demands. It would require a certainty of language which excludes the possibility of doubt to justify the opinion that the government of any commercial nation had annulled its natural right to meet these special conditions by compensatory concessions, or held the right only on condition of extending the same to a nation which had no compensation to offer. The fact that such concessions if made would inevitably insure to the equal benefit of a third competitor would often destroy the motive for, as well as the value of, such reciprocal concession.”

As I said, these ideas of the United States regarding countries having common boundaries were incorporated in many commercial postwar agreements, thereby giving origin to different formulae intended to connect neighboring countries more closely.

It was not only the Secretaries of State but also the Supreme Court of Justice of the United States which with its lofty prestige considered that treaties containing a double Clause, one of which is a “Covering Clause”, must be interpreted jointly and in a conditional form. This double Clause figures in numerous treaties signed by the United States, such as the Treaties with Denmark in 182663 renewed in 1857,64 the Treaty with Austria on 1829,65 and other subsequent ones among them the Treaty of 1853 with the Argentine Republic. The application of the Treaty with Denmark gave rise to a judicial case, when in 1875 the United States granted Hawaii exemption from duties on the introduction of sugar. The constitutionality of the tax imposed on sugar from Denmark having been questioned, invoking the Clause in its unconditional part, the Supreme Court declared:

“Our conclusion is, that the treaty with Denmark does not bind the United States to extend to that country, without compensation, privileges which they have conceded to the Hawaiian Islands in exchange for valuable concessions. On the contrary, the treaty provides that [Page 706] like compensation shall be given for such special favors.” (Bartram v. Robertson, 122 U. S. 121).

The Argentine Government has repeatedly shown itself in favor of the conditional interpretation given by the United States to the most-favored-nation clause.

In 1891, during the negotiation of a convention of reciprocity between the United States and the Argentine Republic, the then Minister for Foreign Affairs, Doctor Estanislao S. Zeballos, stated that:66

“Compensation is the universal rule to combine the customs interests, and the countries which can not recompense the favors which they claim, are not justified in hindering the sovereign action of the others by invoking, on a gratuitous basis, the most-favored-nation clause.”

Doctor Eduardo Costa, Minister for Foreign Affairs, expressed the same opinion in Congress when the commercial treaty with Italy was discussed in 1894, at which time he said:

“Jurisprudence establishes that it (the clause) only extends to favors having no compensation; it may be claimed solely with regard to such concessions as do not involve an equal or a similar burden upon the nation to which they are granted. This is the doctrine which prevailed in the United States and that which the Argentine Government supports.”

A declaration in the same sense was made in 1912 by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Doctor Ernesto Bosch, during the negotiation of a commercial treaty with a European country, stating:

“The Argentine Government is obliged to maintain its ideas owing to the onerous character of the most-favored-nation clause, it being understood that in so doing it does not restrict its broad meaning but that it simply defines its interpretation and its functions in accordance with equity.”

These Argentine and North American antecedents and others which I do not enumerate in order not to make the present note too lengthy, strengthen the opinion of this chancellery to the effect that articles 3 and 4 of the Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation of 1853, in force between the United States and Argentina, do not justify a claim in favor of similar products of North America, without offering an equivalent compensation, for the reductions granted to products from Chile, France, Great Britain and Italy, as a consequence of the modus vivendi signed with Chile on November 12th, 1932.

At present, this Government is preparing a decree creating a qualified Commission to study commercial policy, and I can assure Your [Page 707] Excellency that one of the first treaties to be studied will be that which ties us with the United States with whom we believe the day has come to make even closer our commercial relations for reciprocal benefit.

Accept [etc.]

Carlos Saavedra Lamas
  1. Not printed.
  2. File translation revised.
  3. Treaty of August 19, 1892, De Clercq, Recueil des Twités de la France, tome xix, p. 518.
  4. Convention of June 1, 1894, Ministerio de Relaciones Bxteriores y Culto de la República Argentina, Tratados y Convenciones Vigentes en la Nación Argentina (Buenos Aires, 1925), tomo i (acuerdos bilaterals), p. 531.
  5. Signed February 2, 1825, British and Foreign State Papers, vol. xii, p. 29.
  6. See John Bassett Moore, A Digest of International Law, vol. v, pp. 257 ff.
  7. Miller, Treaties, vol. 2, p. 595.
  8. Ibid., p. 498.
  9. American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. v, p. 152.
  10. Moore, Digest, vol. v, p. 273.
  11. Ibid., p. 278.
  12. Moore, Digest, vol. v, p. 273.
  13. Ibid., p. 278.
  14. Miller, Treaties, vol. 3, p. 239.
  15. Ibid., vol. 7, p. 519.
  16. Ibid., vol. 3, p. 507.
  17. See Argentine Republic, Memoria del Ministerio de Relaciones Bxteriores y Culto, 1891–92, pp. 391, 397.