Foreign Relations of the United States, The Soviet Union, 1933–1939

861.00 Supreme Soviet/5

Memorandum by the Second Secretary of Embassy in the Soviet Union (Bohlen)⁴

January 12–19, 1938

First Session of the Supreme Soviet of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, January 12–19, 1938

I. Personal Impressions

In appearance the deputies to the Soviet of the Union were more intelligent and in general seemed to be of a noticeably higher type than the members of the previous Soviet bodies, for instance, the All-Union Congress of Soviets in 1935, which I attended. Although the official report of the composition of the Soviet of the Union stated that it was made up of 45.3% workers and 23.7% agricultural workers, it was quite evident that the deputies came, with few exceptions, from a considerably higher stratum than that of the average Soviet worker or peasant. Despite their superiority in appearance, the deputies of the Soviet of the Union showed, during the meetings of that body, no more independence or desire to participate in the real sense of the word in the work of the sessions than the members of the previous Soviet bodies which I have seen. They accepted equally passively the statements of the Government spokesmen, cheered at every mention of Stalin’s name in the appropriate manner, and approved unanimously every proposal and every official presented to them by spokesmen.

The deputies to the Soviet of Nationalities, representing thirty-two different races, were of a noticeably more primitive type. The majority of the deputies from the republics of the minor nationalities appeared in their national costumes, giving to the assembly a colorful and varied appearance which was totally lacking in the Soviet of the Union. The body as a whole was considerably more lively, and the deputies appeared to derive considerable simple enjoyment from the proceedings. The appearance of Stalin was greeted with ovations which gave all the indications of being genuinely spontaneous. Each delegation felt called upon to lead a cheer in its native language for Stalin, and, with possibly an Asiatic sense of realism, wasted very little time in cheering the other members of the Politburo⁵ or the Government, most of whom were present. It was quite apparent that the deputies of the various nationalities had very little idea of the business of the session and were often completely in the dark as to what they were being told to vote for. Indeed, as all of the speeches, proposals, and nominations were in Russian alone, it is doubtful if many of the deputies present were even able to follow what was being said. Foreign observers were inclined to wonder why, since it had been carefully pointed out in the press that the Soviet of Nationalities represented the minority races of the Soviet Union, no attempt was made to translate into at least the principal minority languages the various proposals put before the representatives of these nationalities. An amusing and possibly the only unscheduled incident of any of the sessions was the objection of an Uzbek deputy to the selection of the hours between six and ten in the evening for the sessions of the Soviet of Nationalities, on the grounds that it would interfere with the deputies attending the moving pictures. He pointed out, quite aptly, that it was not often that people like himself, from the outlying districts of the Soviet Union, had the opportunity of seeing life in the capital. His proposal, probably to the great regret of many of the deputies present, was turned down on the suggestion of the chairman of the Soviet.

The two Soviets, sitting separately, completed the election of officers and of certain permanent commissions (see annex)⁶ and then sat in joint session as the Supreme Soviet of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. At the joint sessions the important business of introducing certain changes in the Soviet Constitution, the election of the Praesidium and the Soviet of People’s Commissars was transacted. In joint session the two houses presented very much the same aspect as that of the Congress of Soviets which I attended in 1935. It is very probable, therefore, that the appearance of the superiority of the Soviet of the Union described above was due more to the predominance of the Russian element in that body and the absence of the more primitive races of the Soviet Union rather than to any real superiority of its members.

Judged by the accepted connotation of the word “democracy” and by the usual procedure of legislative bodies, the entire proceedings in the sessions of the Supreme Soviet were a farce. Nevertheless, I received the impression that many of the deputies themselves, having no standards of comparison, felt that they were taking an active and responsible part in the government of the Soviet Union. The same can not be said for the prominent men of the Party and Government who did not sit with the deputies but who occupied special seats in the front of the hall. (It was interesting to note that when the newly-elected members of the Praesidium took their places in the loge of honor, Dimitrov, although not a member, was given a place among them.) It was apparent that they took little or no interest in the proceedings, made no pretence of listening to the speeches, and even appeared on occasions to be making fun of the speakers. They received the ovations of the crowds with an air of somewhat patronizing benevolence. Their attitude was perhaps a more accurate commentary on the sincerity of the inauguration of “democratic government in the Soviet Union” than the actions of the deputies.

Since diplomats and foreigners residing in Moscow have few chances of seeing the real rulers of the Soviet Union, certain observations of the personalities and individual characteristics of these men may be of interest.

Stalin had visibly aged in appearance during the past two years. His face was more deeply lined and his hair had turned gray. He gave an appearance of general weariness and at times even of strain which was not noticeable in 1935. He not only exhibited little interest in the proceedings, but on one occasion, with an impatient gesture of his hand, signalled to the presiding officer to cut short the demonstration in his honor. Zhdanov during almost all of the sessions sat beside Stalin and from all indications would seem to be Stalin’s personal favorite at the moment. Voroshilov, on the other hand, was seeking quite openly to ingratiate himself with Stalin, constantly changing his seat to be near him and endeavoring to engage him in conversation, efforts which, it was noticed, met with no great response from Stalin. Khrushchev also was generally to be seen in the vicinity of Stalin, but was less obviously “boot-licking” than Voroshilov. Kaganovich and Molotov bore themselves with more dignity than the other members of the ruling group. Kaganovich sat by himself and rarely addressed a word to anyone. Molotov spent most of his time writing diligently, presumably preparing his speech, and seemed quite oblivious to his surroundings. Kossior, almost a dwarf in stature, with a pink, shaved head considerably too large for his body, was quite obviously enjoying the limelight. Chubar and Bulganin gave the impression of being of a higher type than most of the other leaders.

To the foreign observer the most striking feature of the Sessions of the Supreme Soviet was the extraordinary docility of the deputies themselves. Not more than one candidate was ever presented for any position, no adverse vote was cast against any candidate or proposal, and no debate other than the explanation of the speakers, especially designated for that purpose, took place at any of the sessions. It was noted, however, that in comparison with meetings of previous Soviet bodies which the Embassy has observed, the sessions of the Supreme Soviet were conducted in a much more businesslike manner. The speeches were shorter and, while containing the usual eulogies to the achievements of the Soviet Union “under the leadership of Stalin”, had considerably more substance than the average Soviet orations. The Soviet press has emphasized the businesslike manner in which affairs of state were disposed of by the Supreme Soviet, in contrast to the long-drawn-out debates and intrigues of bourgeois parliaments. While not disagreeing with this description of the sessions of the Supreme Soviet, a foreign observer would be inclined to apply the adjective “businesslike” to the efficiency of the ruling group in “railroading” through the work rather than to the Supreme Soviet as a whole.

II. Indications as to Future Functioning of Soviet Government under the New Constitution

While as indicated above the sessions of the Supreme Soviet of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics made it quite clear that the two bodies forming the Soviet would exercise no real power in the Government of the Soviet Union, certain aspects of the proceedings afforded interesting indications of the manner in which the Soviet Government would function under the new Constitution. As the proceedings developed it became obvious that there was a real intention of separating and defining much more closely than in the past the powers and duties of the principal governmental bodies and of the individual officials. The most important indication of this tendency was the announcement by Kossior that members of the Soviet of People’s Commissars would not be eligible for election to the Praesidium, and furthermore the statement by Molotov that Vice Presidents of the Soviet of People’s Commissars were not to act at the same time as the heads of any Commissariat. It is believed that this separation and definition of powers is based on the desire of the Kremlin to increase the efficiency and simplify the machinery of government, as well as to prevent the concentration in any governmental body of too much power. The repository of power, as in the past, will undoubtedly remain the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Bolsheviks (Politbureau), but it seems likely that the decisions of this body will be translated into action not by the Party organizations throughout the country but by Party members acting and speaking as members of one or another of the governmental bodies provided for in the Constitution. It is interesting to note that of the twelve known members of the Politburo four are members of the Presidium (including, however, Stalin), one the President of the Soviet of the Union, and seven are members of the Soviet of People’s Commissars. Since it was expressly stated that there shall be no interlocking memberships between the Presidium and the Soviet of People’s Commissars, it would appear that only through the medium of the Political Bureau can the admittedly most powerful men in the Soviet Union meet to consider matters of primary importance.

There have been numerous indications in the Soviet press that the Kremlin has been opposed to the growth of the purely Party organs as a separate administrative apparatus. Local Party committees have been severely criticized in the press and by decisions of the Central Committee of the Party for exercising governmental and administrative functions in their own name. It is quite probable, therefore, that the reformation of the Government machinery has been utilized by the Kremlin to do away with this duplication of functions and to return to the system of control by the Communist Party which prevailed in the early days of the Soviet Union, whereby the control was exercised not by the Communist Party in its own name but through its members placed in key positions in the governmental machinery.

There has been some speculation among foreign observers as to exactly what will be the function of the various permanent commissions (see pages 8–14 of Annex) which were set up by both the Soviets of the Union and of Nationalities. Since they are called “Permanent Committees” it would appear that these committees will meet regularly as a body when the Supreme Soviet is not in session for the purpose of considering the various subjects assigned to them. Since many of the members of these commissions reside in parts of the Soviet Union far distant from Moscow and occupy positions of importance in the local Government of these regions, it is difficult to see how these committees as a whole will be able to meet regularly. It is quite possible, however, that these committees will maintain offices and technical staffs in Moscow, for the purpose of checking up on the work of the executive organs in the specified sphere, namely, legislation, the budget, and Foreign Affairs.

The selection of such important men as Zhdanov and Bulganin to head the Committees on Foreign Affairs would indicate that these two committees at least will have some functions of importance. It will be noted that on each of these committees of Foreign Affairs there is a representative of the Communist International or its affiliated bodies; Manuilsky, from the Soviet of the Union, and Lozovsky, from the Soviet of Nationalities.

III. Work of the Session

There is attached to this memorandum an annex giving a chronological diary of the proceedings of the Supreme Soviet taken from the Soviet press, setting forth the officials elected, measures adopted, and in general all business transacted during the sessions. The following explanatory comment on some of the more important work of the session may be of interest.

Of the amendments to the Constitution, only one was of any importance, i. e., the addition of a clause to Article 49 giving the Praesidium the right, when the Supreme Soviet is not in session, to declare martial law in a part or the whole of the Soviet Union in the interests of national defense or internal security. The present amendment is obviously to provide a legal basis for the use of any measures to put down possible internal disorders or revolt, especially in the outlying regions of the Soviet Union.

In view of the fact that the average wage in the Soviet Union is apparently between 230 and 250 rubles a month, it is of some interest to note that the deputies were granted salaries of 1,000 rubles a month, a daily allowance of 150 rubles while the Soviet is in session, and a free pass on all railroads.

It will be noted that the majority of the thirty-seven members of the Praesidium are comparatively obscure persons (see pages 27–30 of Annex). The election of Kalinin as President of the Praesidium of the Supreme Soviet and hence as titular head of State was not unexpected, although certain foreign observers had believed that Stalin would emerge from the background and occupy the post himself.

The new Soviet of People’s Commissars shows few changes from the old (see pages 33–35 of Annex). The only important casualties were Krylenko, an old Bolshevik, former Commissar for Justice, and V. I. Mezhlauk, former President of the State Planning Administration. Because of the decision not to permit the Vice Presidents of the Soviet of Commissars to head industrial commissariats, Mikoyan and Chubar were replaced by their assistants, Gilinski and Zverev, as Commissars of the Food Industry and Finance respectively. The post of Commissar for Foreign Trade, vacant since the removal of Rosengoltz in 1932 [1937], was given to a former assistant Commissar, Chvyalev.

The Assistant Commissars of the various Commissariats were not elected by the Supreme Soviet and, as subsequent appointments have shown, are to be designated by the Soviet of People’s Commissars.

4. Transmitted by the Chargé in the Soviet Union in his despatch No. 913, February 2, 1938; received February 19. Mr. Henderson wrote: “I may state that the personal impressions set forth by Mr. Bohlen are similar to those obtained by me and that I agree with the observations set forth in his memorandum.”
5. The Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks).
6. Not printed.