793.94 Commission/601: Telegram
The Minister in Switzerland (Wilson) to the Secretary of State
[Received December 2—4:05 p.m.]
53. Your 39, November 28, 5 p.m., and my 52, November 30, 11 a.m. In a conversation this morning Drummond told me that the Japanese had been making endeavors to reach agreement with the Chinese to [Page 382] open direct negotiations. These overtures the Chinese had refused. The Japanese were now considering making a proposal perhaps in the Assembly for direct negotiations with the presence of neutral observers similar to the Shantung discussions during the Washington Conference. They were still in their conversations presenting impossible conditions. Nevertheless, Drummond felt that it was a slight step in advance that they were at least considering the idea of inviting neutral observers for a direct discussion. According to Drummond the members of the Committee of Nineteen are now considering something along the following lines. (Please bear in mind that this is all speculation and no one can actually foretell what will evolve.)
- 1.
- The Assembly meeting December 6th will listen to general expression of views on the part of its members.
- 2.
- At the end of these discussions the matter will be referred to the Committee of Nineteen for specific recommendations to the Assembly.
A further meeting of the Assembly some time after the middle of the month will be held with the idea of adopting a resolution in three parts or three resolutions as follows:
- (a)
- Adoption of the first eight chapters of the Lytton report;
- (b)
- Either: (1) As a deduction from the adoption of the report and the resolution of March 11 declaring that states members of the League should not recognize Manchukuo or, (2) a reaffirmation of the resolution of March 11;
- (c)
- Request the Committee of Nineteen to examine the conclusions in chapters 9 and 10 of the Lytton report and to endeavor to effect a settlement. The Committee of Nineteen would be authorized at the same time to invite representatives from the United States and Russia as well as from Japan and China to sit on the Committee.
You will notice that there is a slight weakening of the determination to adopt a resolution for nonrecognition of Manchukuo, and indeed in conversation with League of Nations members yesterday I became aware of this tendency. Drummond explained that some of the most radical members of the Committee—notably Madariaga—were entertaining the thought of bargaining with Japan for its acquiescing in this program by substituting “(b) (2)” for “(b) (1)” and Drummond himself felt that this might be the proper thing to do in order to get real negotiations started.
McCoy is of the opinion that the Japanese have discounted a non-recognition declaration and that therefore such a declaration would not have the effect of further irritating Japanese public opinion. You may feel that the procedure outlined under “(b) (2)” would be sufficient for the vindication of the principle, especially if it is coupled with the hope in the minds of the Assembly of the possibility of a constructive solution. In the event that you think such procedure is not sufficient [Page 383] and that it is essential to follow the procedure foreseen under (b) (1) that the League should adopt a definite declaration of non-recognition of Manchukuo Davis and I feel that the procedure which we should follow should be carefully considered. We do not think that we could talk to members of the Secretariat or representatives of the small powers without grave risk of the fact of our intervention becoming public property. We might however talk very confidentially with the chief delegates of France and Great Britain making it clear that we are talking to them not as members of the League but as representatives of powers having vital interests in the Far East.
We would appreciate your views as urgently as possible in order to have them before the meeting of the Assembly on December 6th.