142.15/2366

The Ambassador in France (Herrick) to the Secretary of State

No. 5038

Sir: With reference to my confidential despatch No. 4599 of November 21st last,40 I have the honor to report that the February meeting of the Board of Governors of the International Chamber of Commerce decided to drop, for the time being, the matter of a [Page 224] protest against the examination of foreign manufacturers’ books by representatives of the United States Tariff Commission.

I desire to invite the Department’s attention, however, to the fact that such examinations continually cause misunderstandings and bad feeling. The French Government itself would not dare to make a law forcing their manufacturers to show their books to French agents and it is obvious that such demands on the part of foreign agents are badly received. I recommend a change in Section 510 of the Tariff Law which deals with this subject.

I am enclosing herewith a copy of a memorandum, prepared by a member of my staff, which presents in detail the arguments against the advisability of the making of such demands.

I have [etc.]

Myron T. Herrick
[Enclosure]

Statement Prepared by Mr. Chester Lloyd Jones, Commercial Attaché, Embassy in France

I. French Criticism of Cost of Production Investigations

I summarize below the French criticisms met in conversation with French business interests and in the press, without passing on their solidity:

(1)
Our government should confine the effect of its laws to its own territories. It is indefensible to try to give them effect within the borders of a friendly neighbor state. If the propriety of such extraterritorial extension of law is admitted, it is obvious that international trade might be subject to intolerable interference even before it crosses the border of the state where it originates.
(2)
The cost of production investigations are an inquisition into the affairs of French manufacturers contrary to all precedent. No French Parliament could stand which passed a law authorising French tax officials to inquire into the books of French citizens to the degree to which American agents are authorized to do so not in their own but in a foreign country.
(3)
Is it to be supposed that United States citizens would submit to similar inquisitorial legislation passed by France? Investigations of this sort are authorised in American law in connection with income tax and other legislation, but such inquiries are within the national territory, and have not even there been extended to cost of production. An attempt to enforce a foreign law in France as a condition for the right to sell in the United States is indefensible.
(4)
It is useless to try to differentiate between the actions of one set of American officials and another. The representatives of the [Page 225] Treasury Department demand the opening of books and the disclosures of production costs because they say they want to assure honest valuations for goods imported into the United States. If this were the only use which would be made of the information, the inquiries might be less objectionable. But the representatives of the Tariff Commission are in Europe to get information as to the cost of production in different countries in order that the American tariff can be adjusted in such a way that any advantage reaped by a foreign producer through cheaper labor, cheaper raw materials, or cheaper methods of manufacture may be counterbalanced by the tariff rate adopted in the United States. The information they want they try to secure through threat that if not given, the tariff will go up. The information they seek, if given, will be used to check the import trade which they are investigating.
Is it to be supposed that the information given one set of officers for one purpose will not find its way into the hands of the other set of officers and be used by them for another purpose?
(5)
The investigations are, in addition, objectionable because they discriminate between French producers. If all the information asked were given, an efficient plant manufacturing at low cost would find itself at a disadvantage in American trade as compared to a less efficient plant.

II. French Action Proposed

The cotton and woolen associations, and perhaps others, have counselled their members to report any attempt to force the giving of information to the associations, which will take the matter up with the French Government. They encourage non-compliance with the demands made. The “Conseillers du Commerce Extérieur” have at a number of meetings discussed the character of the investigations carried on. Protests have reached them from a number of trade syndicates, some of which have proposed that, at least, the application of the American law be made less brusk by agreement to allow the trade syndicates to report on the cost of production, their conclusions being accepted, and the individual merchant being freed from interference. (This does not seem to be a satisfactory way out. CLLJ.)

III. Estimate of the Effect of the Legislation

Obviously, the American officers sent to enforce the laws to which the French take exception have no option. It may also be urged that this is a “good law”, in that it protects the income of the United States.

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The legislation certainly does not promote friendly international relations. The opposition aroused seems to be addressed primarily against the activities of the agents of the Tariff Commission and incidentally against the representatives of the Treasury. Perhaps the activities of the latter might have been accepted if there had been no feeling aroused that the information given was to be used to the disadvantage of French exports in the fixing of future tariff rates—but even that is doubtful. French exporters and French Government officials question the propriety of the action taken by certain of the representatives of the Tariff Commission, and have protested against them. The criticism which some of these representatives have aroused comes not only from individual firms, but from the trade syndicates.

It is a fair question whether legislation by France attempting to do the same thing in America which our officials have attempted to do in France would be accepted without vigorous protest by the American business public.

Take an example: There is now a fairly large export of aluminium ingots from the United States to France. There is also an important French aluminium industry. Suppose a French official attempted to get from the American Aluminum Company their costs of production, assuming that he acted under French law. What would his reception be? This is an extreme example, since the American Aluminum Company has refused to give any information on this subject even to the United States Government. But the reaction toward the inquiry would be the same even in branches of industry where control is not so completely in the hands of a small group.

The practical effect of the activities under the existing American legislation is to dry up sources of commercial information formerly open to the representatives of the United States Government in this country. Trade syndicates whose members have been affected by the investigations now refuse cooperation, alleging that the reason for doing so is that they feel that any information given may be used to their disadvantage. Cotton, wool and silk manufacturers and the electrical equipment interests are examples of groups which have been less communicative through the bad feeling aroused.

But aside from details, it can generally be assumed in human relations that a certain standard of action is “good” if one would welcome the application of that standard to himself. I doubt whether French legislation of this sort would receive a cordial reception in the United States.

  1. Not printed.