Paris Peace Conference 180.03401/61

Notes of a Meeting held at President Wilson’s House in the Place des Etats-Unis, Paris, on Thursday, June 12th, 1919, at 11 a.m.

[Extracts]

C. F. 61

  • Present.— United States of America. President Wilson.—British Empire. The Rt. Hon. D. Lloyd George, M.P.—France. M. Clemenceau.—Italy. H. E. M. Orlando.—Japan. H. E. Baron Makino.
Sir Maurice Hankey, K.C.B. } Secretaries
Count Aldrovandi.
Prof. P. J. Mantoux. Interpreter.

. . . . . . .

Russia: Admiral Koltchak’s Reply

4. Baron Makino said he was willing to have the despatch of the Allied and Associated Powers published, together with Admiral Koltchak’s reply. He suggested, however, that some indication should be given to the press that Admiral Koltchak’s reply was considered satisfactory.

M. Lloyd George suggested that a reply in this sense should be sent to Admiral Koltchak, which could be published.

(Mr. Phillip Kerr was instructed to draft a reply, but no final decision was taken as to publication.)

. . . . . . .

[Enclosure—Translation]2

The French Chargé at Omsk (De Martel) to the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Appendix II to C. F. 60.

Admiral Koltchak, to whom I handed at the station of Tiumen the telegram of Mr. Clemenceau requests me to communicate the following reply to Mr. Clemenceau:

“The Government over which I preside has been happy to learn that the policy of the Allied and Associated Powers in regard to [Page 376] Russia is in perfect accord with the task which the Russian Government itself has undertaken, that Government being anxious above all things to re-establish peace in the country and to assure to the Russian people the right to decide their own destiny in freedom by means of a Constituent Assembly. I appreciate highly the interest shown by the Powers as regards the national movement and consider their wish to make certain of the political convictions with which we are inspired as legitimate; I am therefore ready to confirm once more my previous declarations which I have always regarded as irrevocable.

1. On November 18, 1918, I assumed power and I shall not retain that power one day longer than is required by the interest of the country; my first thought at the moment when the Bolsheviks are definitely crushed will be to fix the date for the elections of the Constituent Assembly. A Commission is now at work on direct preparation for them on the basis of universal suffrage. Considering myself as responsible before that Constituent Assembly I shall hand over to it all my powers in order that it may freely determine the system of Government; I have, moreover, taken the oath to do this before the Supreme Russian Tribunal, the guardian of legality. All my efforts are aimed at concluding the civil war as soon as possible by crushing Bolshevism in order to put the Russian people effectively in a position to express its free will. Any prolongation of this struggle would only postpone that moment: the Government, however, does not consider itself authorised to substitute for the inalienable right of free and legal elections the mere re-establishment of the Assembly of 1917, which was elected under a régime of Bolshevik violence and the majority of whose members are now in the Sovietist ranks. It is to the legally elected Constituent Assembly alone, which my Government will do its utmost to convoke promptly, that there will belong the sovereign rights of deciding the problems of the Russian State both in the internal and external affairs of the country.

2. We gladly consent to discuss at once with the Powers all international questions, and in doing so shall aim at the free and peaceful development of peoples, the limitation of armaments, and the measures calculated to prevent new wars, of which the League of Nations is the highest expression.

The Russian Government thinks, however, that it should recall the fact that the final sanction of the decisions which may be taken in the name of Russia, will belong to the Constituent Assembly. Russia cannot now and cannot in future ever be anything but a democratic State where all questions involving modifications of the territorial frontiers and of external relations must be ratified by a representative body which is the natural expression of the people’s sovereignty.

[Page 377]

3. Considering the creation of a unified Polish State to be one of the chief of the normal and just consequences of the world war, the Government thinks itself justified in confirming the independence of Poland, proclaimed by the Provisional Russian Government of 1917, all the pledges and decrees of which we have accepted. The final solution of the question of delimiting the frontiers between Russia and Poland must, however, in conformity with the principles set forth above, be postponed till the meeting of the Constituent Assembly. We are disposed at once to recognise the de facto Government of Finland, but the final solution of the Finnish Question must belong to the Constituent Assembly.

4. We are fully disposed at once to prepare for the solution of the questions concerning the fate of the national groups in Esthonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and of the Caucasian and Transcaspian countries, and we have every reason to believe that a prompt settlement will be made, seeing that the Government is assuring as from the present time, the autonomy of the various nationalities. It goes without saying that the limits and conditions of these autonomous institutions will be settled separately as regards each of the nationalities concerned.

And even in case difficulties should arise in regard to the solution of these various questions, the Government is ready to have recourse to the collaboration and good offices of the League of Nations with a view to arriving at a satisfactory settlement.

5. The above principle, implying the ratification of the agreements by the Constituent Assembly should obviously be applied to the question of Bessarabia.

6. The Russian Government once more repeats its declaration of the 27th November, 1918, by which it accepted the burden of the national debt of Russia.

7. As regards the question of internal politics which can only interest the Powers in so far as they reflect the political tendencies of the Russian Government, I make a point of repeating that there cannot be a return to the régime which existed in Russia before February 1917. The provisional solution which my Government has adopted in regard to the agrarian question aims at satisfying the interests of the great mass of the population and is inspired by the conviction that Russia can only be flourishing and strong when the millions of Russian peasants receive all guarantees for the possession of the land. Similarly as regards the régime to be applied to the liberated territories, the Government, far from placing obstacles in the way of the free election of local assemblies, municipalities and zemstvos, regards the activities of these bodies and also the development of the principle of self-government as the necessary conditions [Page 378] for the reconstruction of the country, and is (already) actually giving them its support and help by all the means (at its) disposal.

8. Having set ourselves the task of re-establishing order and justice and of ensuring individual security to the persecuted population, which is tired of trials and exactions, the Government affirms the equality before the law of all classes and all citizens without any special privilege; all shall receive, without distinction of origin or of religion, the protection of the State and of the Law.

The Government whose Head I am is concentrating all the forces and all the resources at its disposal in order to accomplish the task which it has set itself; at this decisive hour I speak in the name of all National Russia. I am confident that, Bolshevism once crushed, satisfactory solutions will be found for all questions which equally concern all those populations whose existence is bound up with that of Russia. Koltchak.[”]

  1. Noted on Ms.: Translation from French (as finally amended in the light of a repetition of the telegram).