Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, The Paris Peace Conference, 1919, Volume XII

Paris Peace Conf. 184.01202/6

Captain W. R. Gherardi to the Commission to Negotiate Peace

Berlin, February 4, 1919.
[Received February 7.]

Subject: Political situation.

1. A brief review of the government and its tendencies at the present time is necessary to understand the policies and actions which may develop in the near future.

2. The Ebert-Scheidemann Government¹ is a development of a self-appointed government supported by the Social-Democratic party. As shown by the election figures for the Constituent Convention to be held in Weimar, the Social Democrats have the greatest number of votes of any one party but are outnumbered by the combined votes of the various parties to the right which are parties representative of the Bourgeois as distinguished from the Socialists. It is therefore necessary, if the present government is to keep in power, that the Social-Democratic party look for supporters. This they are doing by seeking to unite with them the party immediately to the right, the German Democratic party (the party of Theodor Wolff, Dernburg, Fischneck, Gustave Hartman, Bernstorff). They also seek to bring into their support certain moderate portions of the party on their left (the Independent Socialists), but opinion appears to be that they are compromising themselves to secure the support from the right much more than from the left and in doing so they are bringing into political strength men and ideas whose liberalism is tinged with reactionary tendencies.

3. Ebert and Scheidemann are immersed in internal political matters. The Foreign Minister, Brockdorff-Rantzau is said to be constantly acquiring stronger influence over them. Members of the Foreign Office now indicate that their authority is much extended over pre-war days. The old army influence with the government has correspondingly fallen away. Of Brockdorff-Rantzau and the Foreign Office, I was impressed that no change had occurred and no democratic spirit exists except as circumstances dictate for the moment. No realization as to the changed conditions in the world and in Germany’s position in it are in evidence.

4. Bernstorff is handling American affairs and the Foreign Minister offered to have me consult with him, which offer I refused. In talking with Brockdorff-Rantzau over the permission to send members of the Mission to see for themselves how economic conditions actually were in various parts of Germany, he at first proposed that in order that misunderstandings should not occur, that reports should be shown him before being forwarded. I told him that the Foreign Office censorship could not be held over my reports but that I was ready to discuss matters with him at any time and assured him that the Mission had no intention of making trouble for his government and that the Mission was one for information only. He yielded the point but it remains to be seen what facilities will be given for observation.

5. I mention these matters as an indication of the spirit of the Foreign Office which has a relatively strong position in the new government.

6. In the handling of internal affairs the government has gone more than half-way in yielding to the Bremen Spartacist uprising. Threatened with the uprising of Hamburg in support of Bremen, the government compromised on the workingmen turning in their arms to the soldiers’ council of the 9th Army Corps, which were the very ones who defied the government. This is a very decided weakening in the government’s announced intention and is likely to lead to trouble elsewhere. The date of February 6th is spoken of as one on which there will be many anti-government uprisings. The forcible resistance which the government is getting is all from the left. Dynastic or monarchial support is to be found particularly amongst the clergymen and school teachers but their influence at the present time is small. The general disinclination of everybody except the Spartacists to fight renders the latter the serious problem against which the government must contend.

7. I consider the Ebert-Scheidemann government with its attendant influences not a great change from the old bureaucratic system, yet there stands between them and straight Bolshevism no class or party from which a government can be drawn which would have the confidence of even a small part of the people.

8. In order that the Ebert-Scheidemann or some compromise government along the same lines elected by the Weimar convention should control the country, it will be necessary that they show results which will bring confidence to the majority that will make them more active in its support. The situation at the present time is sufficiently unstable.

9. The German Colonial Society, the German Woman’s Red Cross for the Colonies and other societies of distinctly Pan-German tendencies held a meeting on February second to protest against the “robbing” of the German colonies. The tone of this meeting is best indicated by a passage from Erzberger’s speech in which he said: “Let there be no deception, the plans of Paris mean the death of world peace. We say this now so that we need not be accused of deception. German people, awake before it is too late. Your future is being decided.” Dr. Dernburg, who criticised the former administration of the German colonies, was not allowed to finish his speech. The meeting was a manifestation of a mentality which has not learned to grasp the new facts of the political situation. Noske who had been scheduled to speak abstained probably to avoid compromising himself by joining a distinctly old German meeting.

10. The press is still largely unchanged and instead of treating of the pressing economic and political problems confronting Germany, indulges in bitter recrimination against the Entente and in tearful complaints of its brutality. The Vorwaerts alone has kept some dignity and devotes itself largely to domestic problems and to raising the economic morale of the laboring classes. Even the Berliner Tage-blatt, with the exception of Theodor Wolff’s editorials, shows little difference from the general weakness of the bourgeois press. The violent Rote Fahne, the Spartacus organ, has reappeared but appears slightly more moderate, while the Independent Socialist Freiheit engages in a campaign of personal vituperation against the government.

W. R. Gherardi

1. Friedrich Ebert, Chancelor of the Provisional German Government, elected President by the National Assembly, February 11, 1919; Philip Scheidemann, Minister of Finance and Colonies, appointed Chancelor by President Ebert.