Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, The Paris Peace Conference, 1919, Volume XII
Paris Peace Conf. 184.01102/218
Professor A. C. Coolidge to the Commission to Negotiate Peace
[Received March 19.]
Sirs: I have the honor to enclose herewith some reports and annexes sent me from Agram by Lieutenant Leroy King.35
I beg leave to call attention to the fact that according to Lieutenant King, although ill feeling between Serbians and Croats in Agram seems to be growing, the place at the time when he wrote seemed to be perfectly quiet”, contrary to what we have seen in a number of newspaper reports.
I have [etc.]
Lieutenant Le Roy King to Professor A. C. Coolidge
General situation.
1. Agram is full to overflowing, many people having come here to escape from the Italian occupation in Croatia, Dalmatia and even Slovenia. There is order everywhere; the cafes and streets are full; the food good and plentiful; and much cheaper than in Belgrade or Vienna. The difference between the civilized atmosphere of Agram and Belgrade (which is like a dilapidated caserne) is very striking.
2. Cardinal Bourne arrives here in a day or two, coming from the East via Belgrade; and after a short stay is to proceed to Ljubljana and eventually to Rome. Major Temperley (who tells me he knows you and has lectured at Harvard) the British officer who has been in Jugo-Slavia for six or seven weeks, tells me that the Cardinal’s journey through Jugo-Slavia is rather a mystery. He thinks that it has some bearing on church politics here; and that it is not merely a benevolent tour of inspection as announced. He also thinks that the fact that he has been suddenly called to Belgrade today may mean that the British authorities do not wish him to be here when the Cardinal arrives. As you know Temperley you will be able to judge the value of his remarks. I have seen him three or four times and he is most friendly and confidential and has shown me several of his despatches. …
3. Temperley tells me that he is certain that the French are now working with the Italians and have been in rapprochement with respect [Page 485] to policy in Jugo-Slavia with them for about a month. He wrote thus to London on February 22d. I noticed that, while the French Minister at Belgrade was rather extreme in his criticisms and hints against the Italians, all the French officers I have talked with have been very moderate, have had a tendency to avoid comments on the Italian extravagances and have even explained some of them away. This was particularly true of French officers I talked with on the journey from Belgrade to Agram, and I have never heard a direct criticism of the Italians by any French officers. This change of policy Temperley says is caused by the French fear of Germany, and of the possibility of an Italian understanding with that country. The French seem to be balancing the value of a united and satisfied Jugo-Slavia against the value of a satisfied Italy. They want both, of course, but will have a hard job to get them. I may mention here that the French are not sending their requisitioned ships to the Dalmatian Islands, as are England and the United States. The French forces are also not getting on particularly well with the Serbs in the Banat and near Ragusa.
4. The French are quite intrigués about the Carinthian question. I fancy that the Italians, and I know that the Slovenes, have been talking to them about it. A Slovene, Dr. André Druskovic, who is an ardent Jugo-Slav (and a fortiori an extra-ardent Slovene), who has been in Belgrade, talked to me at length tonight and said that Colonel Dosse in Belgrade had said to him that the French would only be too glad to draw a line in Carinthia as they had done in Styria; but that they did not want to interfere with Colonel Miles. The line they would draw (if they drew one at all) would of course be one of “purely military demarcation for the purposes of the armistice”. The Slovenes, of course, are wild to have them do it as they hope that such a line would include practically the last Slovenes as was done in Styria. Druskovic spoke of the “Germanization” of the Slovenes that was now going on north of the Drau and said that, if a line was not drawn so as to protect them, they would be quite Germanized by the time the Peace Conference could decide on the final frontier. He also asserted that the Italians were backing the Austrians in Carinthia. I “eased” through the conversation successfully, and was later invited to come to Ljubljana as soon as possible to hear more arguments!
Major Temperley says the Slovenes told him that Miles had decided on the line of the Drau but that you had reversed his decision. Temperley laughed and said that he knew this was not true as you would never have let such a thing get out, even if it were true. It is all very entertaining to me who know the Slovene arguments and suspicions backwards and forwards.
5. The French here have not mentioned the Carinthian matter to me. A French officer, Captain Cottier, has gone to Ljubljana to investigate [Page 486] transport conditions, but I know also that he is officier de renseignements for Colonel Dosse and is looking the ground over. I have heard nothing more of the French taking control of the frontiers between Austria and Slovenia.
I hear that the Italian officers in Ljubljana tried to make an incident out of the fact that the Italian flag was “insulted” in the station at that place. An Allied commission came up from Trieste and found there was nothing in it. (This from a Slovene source).
Two or three weeks ago two or three Italian officers were requested to leave a cafe here in Agram, and likewise tried to make an incident out of it.
I have seen no Italian officers or soldiers here.
6. The French inform me that a British commission is in Graz. They used the expression “Qu’est-ce qu’ils fichent lá?”
Lieutenant Le Roy King to Professor A. C. Coolidge
Political
1. The parties here are:
a) The Serbo-Croat Coalition (Greatly in majority with a large number of delegates in Belgrade.)
It supports the existing provisional government of Jugo-Slavia, and its leader is the Minister of the Interior—a Serbo-Croat.
b) The Starkevitch or Autonomist Party, led by Palovic.
This originally wished for the autonomy of Croatia, under the leadership of the Serbian Royal House. It has now joined in supporting the existing provisional government, and did so at the opening of parliament, but contains many germs of dissatisfaction, and is rapidly turning into the party of “Constitutional opposition”. It is thought here that a great mistake was made in not making its leader Palovic a minister. Temperley thinks that this party, though comparatively small, may cause trouble.
c) The Reactionaries and Discontented.
Mostly ex-officers of Austrian Army (Jugos by blood) who have been retired because of their political leanings to the old regime; and ex-functionaries of the Austro-Hungarian Government. These have no representation in Parliament of course. But they may cause trouble in connection with other elements later.
d) The Peasants Party. Republican.
This party, led by Radic a brilliant erratic man, has come out frankly for a Republican Jugo-Slavia (not a separate republic of [Page 487] Croatia). I am told that Radic himself has recalled from Belgrade the few deputies of his party who were sent to the Assembly. Radic has stirred up many peasants in Croatia who now follow his republican standard. He tells them that under a republic they will have to pay no taxes, and otherwise excites them. He also makes capital out of any mistakes of the existing government. The peasants have frequently applied what they think are republican principles and have pillaged their richer neighbors to some extent. At present, however, the Peasants Party has had somewhat of a set back owing to the new Agrarian law introduced by the Coalition Party which provides for the redistribution of land, and for the dividing up of the great estates in Croatia. Under it no land holder can own more than 750 acres, consequently many “republican” peasants are today leaning toward the coalition as the latter has definitely promised them something. This is probably temporary.
e) The Socialist and Clerical Parties are unimportant in Croatia.
2. The Croatians are not led by the R. C. Priests as are the Slovenes. There is no real clerical party, and little trouble is likely to come between them and the Serbs because of religion. Par contre, of the 22 members of the “Clerical Club” formed at Belgrade by Korvshetz three days ago, 19 are Slovenes.
3. Sources of Existing and Future Trouble in Croatia.
a) The ex-Austrian officers and functionaries who are passive now; but who spread pessimism and are ready to urge on discontent.
b) Certain Jewish and other traders in Agram who are cut off from their former lucrative intercourse with Austria and Hungary.
c) The reported presence of agents of Italy, Austria, and Hungary who work among all classes and try to stir up revolt, disunion and pessimism. (I have so far verified no specific case of this evil; though I am assured it exists. It is a sort of “covering clause” which appeals to the suspicious Jugo.)
d) Unpopularity of the Serbian Army.
This really exists and is increasing, particularly in the country districts.
While the Government officials all take pains to protest (“too well”) that the Serbs and Croats are one people, it is absurd to say so. The social “Climate” is quite different. The Serbs are soldier-peasants; the Croats are passive intellectuals in tendency. The Public Prosecutor, from whom one would expect a certain robustness of mind, told me frankly that the Croats had given up struggling against their Magyar oppressors long ago, and had devoted themselves to the arts. This applies, I suppose, to the upper classes. The peasant proprietors [Page 488] are mostly comfortably established and live off their rich soil. I fancy that many of the Serbs who live in Croatia have become somewhat like the Croats.
The Serbian Army is now scattered throughout Croatia; and there have been acts of “militarism” which the peasants do not like. Here in Agram one hears many expressions of dislike for the methods of Serbian military administration. These come from real Croats. I can imagine what the ex-Austrian officers, who glare at one in the cafes, must say about the Serbs. This growing unpopularity of the Serbian Army will easily be transformed into dislike of the Serbian people and influence. It is a dislike which already exists to some extent; and Major Temperley agrees with me in thinking it a real danger.
There is a sort of “mot d’ordre” going about to praise everything Serbian; but the required praise is not given with conviction. “Jugo-Slavia” provokes enthusiasm; but Serbia lurks beneath the phrase in many minds.
4. The Croats care nothing about Serbian or Slovenian territorial claims as far as I can see. They are the vaguest thinkers and the least politically practical of the Jugos I have yet talked with. I am of course giving a first impression; but I don’t think the average educated Croat knows so much about the proposed or claimed frontiers of Jugo-Slavia as does the average Slovene. They are rather distressed about Italy’s acts than bitter about them. I have spoken with no Dalmatians yet. Americans are very popular, but one feels this popularity is rather theoretical.
Of course most of the political leaders are in Belgrade now.
5. To sum up. There are no visible signs of trouble in Agram. Crowds of people swarm in the streets until late at night without the slightest disturbance. Crowds of students wander peaceably about and mix with soldiers. On “Mardi Gras” the night of the carnival, everybody was throwing confetti about in a very normal gay way; singing and walking to and fro with hardly any policemen or guards to be seen. There may be something brewing, but there was no sign of it.
A Serbian general is here with some troops, but the French run the railroad and the people seem to be glad to let them do it. I am told the French are not particularly popular, but this may be because of the numerous Annamite soldiers who do pretty much as they please.
Bolshevism does not exist as far as I know at present.
- Reports No. 1 and No. 2 are the only enclosures printed.↩