Paris Peace Conf. 184.01102/343
Professor Philip M. Brown to Professor A. C. Coolidge 14
No. 29
Budapest
, April 10, 1919.
Subject: Political situation.
- 1.
- I desire to report further regarding the political situation here, which still remains outwardly unruffled, with Kun Bela very much in the ascendancy.
- 2.
- I had a call the other night from Kun Bela, with whom I discussed the situation somewhat fully, and was greatly impressed by his immense vitality and his shrewdness. Not impressive in personality, he is nevertheless a force to be reckoned with. He knows what he is after, is a sincere Socialist, and evidently most resourceful. His whole policy seems now to avoid, if possible, the regrettable excesses of the Russian Socialists, which have given to the name Bolshevist so sinister a significance. Personally devoted to Lenin, he at this present moment is evidently guided in most of his decisions directly by the great Russian leader; not for any political reasons, but because of the affinity that binds all Socialists in common devotion to a fundamental ideal.
- 3.
- As an indication of the policy of the present government, I enclose herewith (enclosure No. 1)15 translation of a speech made recently by Garbai, the President of the Revolutionary Government. In a few words, he has summarized his whole program; namely, the abolition of private property on a big scale, the socialization, and in some cases the communization of many industries and enterprises, the repudiation of war loans and indemnities, and the creation of a new social order, which shall provide for the poorest man a “secured living, a nice home, sufficient food, culture, accommodations and facilities for education.” So much for the program. As to the methods for carrying it out, there is much to be criticised.
- 4.
- As an indication of the methods of the present government, I enclose herewith a translation of recent orders on the subject of the housing of the poor, which has been recently placed in the hands of two zealots named Szamuelly and Vago, who are known to be among the most extreme members of the Revolutionary Government. The provisions of these rules and regulations give a more vivid idea of the socialistic methods of this government than any comments can do. The inflammatory language employed by these two commissioners in calling the attention of the public to the measures adopted [Page 433] for the purpose of providing homes for the proletariat, is most suggestive. (See Enclosure No. 2).16
- 5.
- It is true that housing conditions in Budapest have been notorious, and the poor ordinary workmen have been denied decent, hygienic surroundings. This condition of things during the last few months has become particularly reprehensible, owing to the enormous influx of refugees from occupied territory. Already, under the Karolyi government, measures were taken to house many of these unfortunate people. More undoubtedly remains to be done, but the present measures are not calculated to inspire confidence. For example, one of the provisions states: “We decide that in general the bourgeoisie shall live together. We are not inclined to expose the proletariat by living together with the bourgeoisie to their poisoning influence. The bourgeoisie who have larger homes shall share them with their friends and relatives. The houses freed in this manner will be used for housing proletarians. The general principle to be followed is that each fairly large family shall occupy not more than three rooms.” This may appear to afford some relief to people of gentility. On the other hand, in times of public disturbance, when class hatred may run at a fierce pace, the segregation of the Bourgeoisie might prove to be a most unfortunate arrangement.
- 6.
- I have already favorably reported on the subject of the attitude of this government towards foreigners and their property. The assurances already given, seemed to me to be most liberal and calculated to avoid difficulties for the new regime. I regret, however, to note by the regulations published today, as translated in Enclosure No. 3,16 that the government is evidently inclined to render the situation of foreigners more difficult, by refusing to permit them to take out all their personal property, and by practically taking over the administration of their private property. This is especially regrettable, in view of the definite promises made by Kun Bela in his note to General Smuts, dated the 5th; assurances which Kun Bela repeated to me personally the other day. I am informed by Major Freeman, the British Military representative here, that Kun Bela practically repudiates this note on the ground that it was contingent on the negotiations with General Smuts, an interpretation which seems to be entirely unwarranted.
- 7.
- Another regrettable indication is to be found in the number of arrests of prominent people, who were identified with the old regime, for no other reason that I can find, except a spirit of vindictiveness, [Page 434] unless it should appear that they were actually implicated in some counter-revolutionary conspiracy, which I in no way think possible. Once this government starts on this declivity of arresting members of the bourgeoisie, class hatred is quite certain to be aroused, and everything that savors of resistance or counter revolution will serve as a pretext for dreadful excesses. The Revolutionary Tribunals, with their provisions for a crude, swift and pitiless “justice” are ready at hand for sinister uses.
- 8.
- In regard to counter revolutions, I must admit that such movements are always possible, and might come most unexpectedly, though I see no evidence of anything formidable being prepared. There have been a few incidents in the country, where some of the peasants have apparently resisted the authority of the Bed Guard, with the result that several have been shot, and others summarily executed. I do not think that the country at large is really aroused as yet. It still is in a more or less benumbed state of mind, owing to the hardships of recent years, the stagnation of economic life, and the destruction of their hopes for a great national future for Hungary. I doubt, however, if the average Hungarian is really in favor of Socialism, and I am quite certain that he is violently opposed to Bolshevism. The possibilities, therefore, of a general resentment towards the Revolutionary Government and of factional warfare, are undoubtedly great.
- 9.
- I do not find that the new government has made itself in any way popular with the workingmen, and I question its ability to carry on indefinitely without their active approval. If they are not properly fed, and if the economic life of the country is not soon revived, I can see every prospect of serious disorder and discontent. Some sort of a general peace and resumption of economic life in Europe is an immediate and overwhelming necessity.
Sincerely yours,
Philip Brown