File No. 872.51/23

The Serbian Minister ( Michaïlovitch) to the Assistant Secretary of State ( Phillips)

Dear Mr. Phillips: In connection with our conversation of yesterday I beg to send you the enclosed memorandum, compiled from [Page 589] my previous pro memorias of April 17 and 30.1 This memorandum points out more clearly the reasons for which Serbia is hopeful of United States’ support. The second copy is for Mr. McAdoo, Secretary of the Treasury.

I am convinced that a favourable solution of the Serbian question would have the greatest effect on the whole of the Slav race and especially on Russia in this fateful moment. I think that United States should not fail to produce this favourable effect which would undoubtedly have good moral and political influence on the coming events.

I therefore beg of you to use all your influence in order to contribute to the success of this worthy cause.

Yours very sincerely,

L. Michaïlovitch
[Enclosure]

The Serbian Legation to the Department of State

The great United States of America, in entering the war declared that they stand ready to offer assistance to those who fight against the conquering designs of the Central Powers, to insure with their cooperation the victory for the principles of justice and equality, and to assure the existence and the rights of small peoples. This assistance, therefore, is to be financial, military and political. Balkan, and its Serbian question, deserve in that regard a special attention of the United States. The Serbo-Croatian and Slovenian race, the greater part of which was until now under the despotic domination of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, desires to be united and to create its own state, together with the autonomous kingdoms of Serbia and Montenegro. The efforts of this race manifested themselves in a political movement among the Southern Slavs in the Habsburg Monarchy, and this movement was one of the causes of this great war.

The principle of nationality, and especially the principle of the rights of small peoples, brought out the question of the very existence of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, which represents the dynastical interests of the Habsburg House.

The solution of the Serbian question will be one of the main problems at the future peace conferences, because of the existence of an independent Serbian state, with which the whole Serbo-Croatian and Slovenian race, now under the Habsburg Dynasty, demands to be united. The United States of America will naturally participate in the solution of this question; its great democratic principles, demanding a complete and free development of individuals, same as racial groups, must assure the liberation of small peoples. The [Page 590] Serbian people expect its liberation from that participation, and hope to receive help which will enable them to recover quickly from the terrible consequence of this long and barbaric war.

The noble expressions of President Wilson, therefore, were greeted with the greatest enthusiasm by the Serbo-Croatian and Slovenian race, by the free parts of our people, same as by those who are still under enemy’s domination. These expressions have recently caused great hostile outbursts of feeling in the Croatian Diet in Agram, notwithstanding the oppression of the Austrian military régime.

Serbia’s sacrifices, which she endured during the first two Balkanic wars of 1912 and 1913, are well known; this third war, so savagely provoked by Austria-Hungary, which is continuing for almost three years, brought destruction to the land and to the people. It is not exaggeration to assert, that Serbia lost more than a million people. Her enemies systematically destroy her people, using all means and all ways. Villages and cities are ruined, the land devastated, the live stock carried away, the industrial establishments looted. Serbia is to-day like a desert. The peace will bring liberty but no welfare, because there will remain another enemy: poverty and destitution. The salvation of the Serbian people depends upon the quick assistance which will be offered to them immediately when peace is concluded. This assistance should be prepared now. It can be given by the United States in the form of a loan and a credit, upon the same basis as will be given to France and England. Just a very small part of the great loan of three billion dollars would assure the future of a nation, whose lands will soon become a rich source of all kinds of products. A loan or credit of a hundred million dollars is the first help, for the reconstruction of the destroyed firesides, for the quick acquirement of agricultural implements and live stock, for the obtaining of food for a people in order to save them from perishing and to prepare them for a life of progress and civilisation. This noble and humane aid can be undertaken to-day by the United States only and they would thereby gain the appreciation and gratitude of the whole Serbo-Croatian-Slovenian race.

The United States when entering upon the war decided to do everything to hasten its end and therefore—first of all—helped the Entente Allies financially. England, France and Italy received loans and a promise of future financial support. Serbia also is fighting with the Allies on the Salonica front. The Serbian Army, Government and Administration are kept up by the Allies, by their war credits, but now-a-days the war credits comprise more than merely the military expenses. All belligerent powers are obliged, at the same time, to support the families of the fallen warriors, invalids and their families, the population of the provinces devastated by the war, the prisoners of war and those interned in the enemy countries, as well as those who fled from the provinces invaded by the foe. All [Page 591] these expenditures form the war burden in the same way as the equipment of the army, or the providing of arms and ammunitions. For securing the victory it is as important to make sure of the morale of the warriors, of the sentiments of their families and in general of the population as it is to provide good guns and plentiful ammunition. The morale side of the question is perhaps to-day the more important one.

In this respect Serbia has been left almost entirely to the care of good people and relief societies, which is absolutely insufficient. Whereas in France, in England and Italy the generosity of United States has encouraged greatly the morale of the people, the Serbian soldiers are wondering who is going to take care of their families, and the people who remained in the invaded Serbia are losing faith in their future. On the other hand, the Serbian Army and people must continue to fight and to sacrifice—and, to be enabled to do so, they should be supported.

The Serbian people hope (1) that the United States will offer Serbia help in the same way as to the Allied Powers, in granting her at once a small loan for the said purpose. The way in which the help would be sent to the people in the invaded provinces, to the prisoners of war and interned, and the distribution of same, is a less important technical question that would be easily solved by the Governments of the United States, Serbia and Allies; (2) that this great and generous Republic will help the rebuilding of devastated Serbia.

The Serbian people hope that United States will help them and believe that their benefactor will find moral and political reasons to do so—which could be important in the near future, and for which action it is now the best moment. The Slav element in Russia, the Balkans and in both Americas would greet with enthusiasm such a noble action of United States, and their relatively small effort would have a great effect on a whole race.

To insure opportunity to a small people to develop in freedom, is a doctrine of the present-day democracies, and to assist them in joining soon the ranks of civilised peoples, is a noble and humane effort which could now be assumed only by the great Republic of the United States.

  1. Pro memorias not printed.