File No. 763.72112/3512
It is scarcely necessary to add that in all that has passed between
myself and the British officials who have to do with the blockade, I
have made no suggestions of a direct or indirect character with
respect to the probable attitude of the Department of State under
changed international conditions.
[Enclosure 1]
The Consul General at London (
Skinner) to the Ambassador in Great Britain (
Page)
710
Dear Mr. Ambassador: As I stated to
you on Friday, I had just then returned from a visit to the War
Trade Intelligence Department, whither I had been invited by Mr.
Simpkin to meet Mr.
Finlay, chairman of the contraband
committee, and a son of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to talk
about blockade matters as they might be affected in the event of
a declaration of war on our part. Naturally, in all that was
said I refrained from suggesting what the Department
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of State might be
willing to do under the changed conditions which now appear to
confront us. The gentlemen with whom I had this conversation
desired simply to suggest in unrestrained language what they
then had in mind as desirable from their point of view, even
though it might not be possible from ours, and stated their
intention of sending a formal communication on the subject to
Lord Robert
Cecil, which no doubt will reach you in due
time.
Our friends in the Blockade Department are quite prepared to
believe, I think, that the Department of State will not recede
from its expressed position on points of law, and that it will
consider the blockade to be just as illegal after we go to war
as now, and will have a still poorer opinion of the black list;
but they probably hope that the Department will recognize these
weapons as existing de facto, and will
assume towards them, if I may so express it, an attitude of
benevolent neutrality.
At the present time all goods which leave the United Kingdom [States] for European destinations,
practically without exception, are covered by British “letters
of assurance” or equivalent documents. This means that the
shippers consult the British authorities in the United States
before forwarding their goods, and give certain guarantees that
the ultimate destination of the goods is satisfactory. Then the
ship proceeds upon its way, and the cargo is examined either at
Halifax, Kirkwall or Lerwick, to see that it is in order, and
the enforced call at an intermediate port of course involves
considerable danger to the ship, and great loss of time in the
manipulation of the cargo. It would be very agreeable to the
people here if they might be permitted to perfect machinery in
the United States for examining cargoes before putting goods
into the ship, and then seal the holds and check up papers, thus
obviating the necessity of undertaking similar operations at an
intermediate port. From a purely commercial point of view, it
would be to the advantage of the carrying vessels to be held up
for a day or two longer in New York while this scrutiny was
going on, if, by so doing, they might avoid an enforced visit to
Halifax, Kirkwall or Lerwick. Furthermore, the danger to the
ship would be considerably reduced. Ships thus examined at New
York, on passing through the blockade line, would identify
themselves very quickly, and would proceed to final destination.
The people here think that if we raise no objections to this
plan, the commercial interests involved would ask for its
application just as they now ask for letters of assurance; and
the position then would be that they would be under no
obligation to submit to this investigation if they were willing
to take the chance of getting through the blockade without
“voluntarily” allowing themselves to be examined.
A more spiny problem in connection with the departure of ships
from the United States arises in connection with passengers and
the
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handling of mails.
People here assume that on the outbreak of war we ourselves
shall adopt very stringent regulations respecting east-bound
passengers, subjecting them all to the closest scrutiny, and
excluding practically all persons objectionable to British
interests as well as to our own. I think they hope, also, that
their own secret service agents will be permitted to work in
connection with ours, and to support each other. They regard an
understanding of this kind as indispensable, unless ships are to
be brought into an intermediate port, after clearing from New
York.
The handling of the mails probably causes more thought here than
anything else. The authorities know that we object to what they
have been doing in the past, and they, on their side, deem it to
be imperatively necessary to continue this scrutiny. Obviously,
ships cannot proceed from New York to European ports without
calling at intermediate ports if mails are to be examined,
unless the examination is undertaken in the United States. While
we shall exercise a censorship, very probably, it is doubted
whether our censorship, unless it can be exercised jointly with
the British authorities, will be satisfactory. The suggestion
was made during our talk that the whole difficulty might be
overcome if the British authorities simply required all mails
for European destinations to be sent in transit through Great
Britain. I think that my informants looked upon the suggestion
of all European mails being sent to Great Britain as somewhat
revolutionary, but at the same time, quite a practical method of
facilitating the dispatch of correspondence.
Mr. Finlay said that if our people were
willing to meet them in all or some of these plans, they would
be only too happy to grant me access to all their confidential
material with regard to contraband, enemy firms, and the like.
In fact, they look forward to a close exchange of information of
this kind, believing that, as time goes on, our interests will
insensibly merge. I listened with attention to all that was said
to me, merely putting in a question here and there, and without
committing myself in any manner.
It is needless to say that if you desire me to step in for a talk
on the general subject I am always at your disposition.
Sincerely yours,
