Foreign Relations of the United States, 1917–1972, Volume VIII, Public Diplomacy, 1969–1972

117. Draft Paper Prepared in the Office of Policy and Plans, United States Information Agency¹

Washington, undated

Draft Infoguide on Portraying the United States to Foreign Audiences

Problem

Foreign audiences today receive a great volume of information from and about the United States, but they often do not receive a full and fair picture of the American scene. There are many reasons for this.

Information flow is fragmentary. Messages compete for time and attention. Media, particularly television, assault the senses as much as they appeal to the intellect. The result is, consciously or unconsciously, to put a premium on the transmission of the sensational and on visceral audience response.

All around the world the United States is in the news. More often than not the United States makes international news as a principal protagonist in Big Power conflicts. While playing this role confers certain benefits on the United States, it tends to militate against appreciation of the complexity of American society and in favor of a simplistic and superficial view of American actions and motivations.

The productivity of Americans has made a mixed contribution to the national image, evoking both admiration and envy, and occasioning both gratitude and resentment among those dependent on American wealth. Our free institutions which have made such a large contribution to our productivity are admired, but at the same time non-Americans who feel they cannot “afford” freedom in their nations wonder if there is enough discipline in American life. People in developing countries in the 1970’s may well feel increasing estrangement from American experience and may view American developments in a prejudiced way because they are alien to their own vital concerns.

The United States’ “image problem” is compounded by the fact that, since the century of European exploration, much of the world has had higher hopes for America than for the older lands. Poor conditions of life in countries which are our chief rivals in power and influence often are overlooked, while exposure of the faults in American society gets notice and causes disappointment.

During the past five years Americans, themselves, have probably been the chief witnesses against America. Some of the most articulate individuals and institutions in the United States have expressed opposition to American policies and have questioned the validity of the organization and quality of American life. With America so much in the world news and with the great reach and penetration of the international media, internal debate in the United States has a worldwide audience, which includes parties determined to exploit the debate for their own, anti-American purposes.

Solving the problem is beyond the capability of USIA. Indeed, there are good reasons for our deriving comfort from the existence of some aspects of the “problem.” The present paper suggests treatment and themes which may enable media and posts to focus attention on the positive aspects of American life and thereby to increase respect for the United States.

Guidelines for Treatment of American Domestic Developments

1. Let the world know what America stands for. The measure of American institutions is the degree of liberty they confer and their responsiveness to the wants and needs of the citizens, freely expressed. Our particular institutions are peculiar to us. We have no desire and no right to confer them on other peoples. But the principles of free choice and popular participation in peaceful change which underlie the institutions of American life have universal appeal. It is not difficult to make a strong and positive identification of the United States with these principles; it is impossible for communist nations to do the same.

2. Show confidence in the United States. The United States approaches its bicentennial, having prevailed over crises of epic proportions. “Government of the people, by the people, for the people” still flourishes. The American people have demonstrated the capacity to remain faithful to the ideals of the founding fathers and simultaneously to adapt to greatly changed circumstances of life.

3. Place our materialism in context. Men everywhere want a decent life. A lack of at least a minimum of material things detracts from human dignity. The American system has provided the minimum for almost all Americans and has given vast numbers the opportunity to achieve much more. We do not flaunt our material accomplishments; and it is not USIA’s role to export American goods and technical advice. Our responsibilities are to illuminate the working of the American institutions which account for productivity and the equitable distribution of the product of labor and to show that American civilization is more than merely materialistic.

4. Be selective in output. USIA is engaged in advocacy. Today’s world is so full of communication and noise that only if we focus our message can we hope our audiences will focus their attention on what we have to say. We must know what else is being said about America, so we can select purposefully and be effective advocates.

5. Repeat, reinforce, recapitulate. Facts presented in isolation have far less impact than facts ordered explicitly and consecutively to support a well-defined theme. As additional facts are presented, restate the theme they support.

6. Be relevant to our audiences. Talk in terms of, “Everyone has problems. We sympathize with yours. We’ve had similar problems, and this is what we’re trying to do about them—which might possibly be of interest to you.” Where our problem-solving has borrowed from foreign experience, express gratitude for the help. Where our experience has been irrevelant, don’t parade it. Where we can’t help, listen; that may be help enough.

7. Show the United States on the frontiers of modern man’s experience. Our size, our resources, our universal interests and our free institutions usually expose Americans sooner and more fully than others to the problems of modern life. Our present is likely to be their future. However, our aim is not to direct our audiences’ attention to their future problems (they are too busy now to worry about tomorrow’s troubles); rather, our goal is to demonstrate that the United States is capable of dealing with the challenges to society in America, and in the process, that Americans are accumulating experience which may be of benefit and which is made available to all mankind.

8. Do not advertize our problems. When and if our problems come to the attention of foreign publics, in a manner and to a degree that is harmful to our national interests, we should supply additional facts and explanations to gain understanding of our difficulties and recognition that we are overcoming them. But there is no reason for USIA or USIS posts to initiate discussion of American problems where concern with them is insignificant.

1. Source: National Archives, RG 306, Director’s Subject Files, 1968–1972, Entry A1–42, Box 15, Policy and Plans (IOP)—General 1970. Limited Official Use. White sent the paper to Shakespeare, copying Loomis, under a November 13 memorandum, noting that IOP had authored the paper “with stress on the positive and a tone of confidence,” and that she had given a copy of the paper to Hemsing in advance of the upcoming European PAO meeting. She also commented that she would show Shakespeare a copy “in revised form before issuance.” Shakespeare circled this sentence and White’s name. He also wrote “Barbara Thanks. F.S.” in the top left-hand corner of White’s memorandum. (Ibid.)