701.6211/330½

Memorandum From the Office of the Assistant Secretary of War21

About 11:15 today, Captain Franz von Papen, military attache of the German Embassy, telephoned my office asking if he might see me. I asked the Secretary as to the propriety of my seeing him [Page 91] and he suggested that I speak to the Secretary of State about it. I then went to Mr. Polk, Counselor of the State Department, who thought it was all right to see him. I had my office telephone Captain von Papen I should be pleased to see him and he came to the Department at 12 o’clock.

He stated to me that he regretted of course leaving this country under such circumstances, but as a soldier was personally glad that he was able to return to his country at such a time.

He stated that the reason he came to me was that he felt I had a feeling of sincere personal friendship for himself as he had for me and that under the circumstances there was no one else to whom he could turn.

He said that the papers of yesterday carried a news story, stating that agents of the United States Government had reported to that Government that he, von Papen and Boy-Ed, had expended $12,000,-000 to foment conditions which would bring about a war between the United States and Mexico. He said this was an utter falsehood, and that he would tell me in confidence the German Ambassador had written a letter to the American Secretary of State22 setting forth this press report and asking that the Secretary of State make a public statement to the effect that the story was false; that he, von Papen and Boy-Ed had gone to the German Ambassador and given their words of honor as officers that it was utterly false, that neither of them had directly or indirectly approached any Mexican government, faction, individual or set of individuals for any such purpose; that if the American Government were really desirous of maintaining amicable relations with the German government, the American Government would make public denial of these charges, because if they were left without an official denial, they would tend to stir up the public mind to even a more radical bitterness against the German government and the German people, and he requested that I bring these matters to the attention of the proper authorities, urging that this public denial be made so that he, von Papen, would not have to rest under such an outrageous allegation which was not true, particularly in light of the present situation, which in itself is sufficiently unfortunate.

The above was stated to be the main purpose of his visit. The conversation turned to other matters. He was under a great stress of emotion and at times he found it difficult to control himself.

He stated that ever since his detail here he had worked unceasingly for better relations between his government and the American Government; that he had brought to the attention of his superiors the absolute necessity of the improvement of these relations; that he personally [Page 92] and his military superiors had disapproved the submarine policy of the admiralty and that only through the influence of his chief, von Falkenhayn and the Army General Staff had the Imperial German Government finally overruled the submarine policy of the Admiralty with great difficulty; that this submarine policy was considered by him to be the only real cause of difficulty between the two governments and that after the assurance given in the Arabic case by the German Government, he and his colleagues thought the matter was settled, especially in view of the fact that actions which speak louder than words had shown that the government had absolutely departed from the obnoxious policy and had committed no further objectionable acts. That he had felt assured, after the Arabic incident, that the American Government would accept the actions of his government without the exaction for further humiliating declarations, especially in view of the fact that great personal regret had been expressed more than once for the American lives lost and offer of reparation therefor made. But that this didn’t seem to be the case. Rather the impression was being borne in upon the minds of many Germans that the United States actually wished to make a breach with the German government and was pursuing a fundamental policy of this kind and that this was what rendered the situation particularly distressing to him. That it was not so much individual acts of the American Government but the frame of mind that various acts suggested. That the American Government exacted of Germany the last farthing in compliance with law and propriety but permitted great latitude to the allies. That the American Government did not insist upon Great Britain permitting commerce in non-contraband with neutrals; that Germans and others in this country could not send by parcel post 65,000 cans of condensed milk to be given to the babies of Berlin and Germany. That the immense financial, industrial and sentimental assets of America were mobilized in favor of the allies and that for many purposes, particularly after the last loan to the allies, America had departed from real neutrality. That milk tickets were now given to mothers in Berlin and other German cities, permitting so many ounces of milk to be given to a baby one year old, so many to a baby two years old, and three years old, and that the American Government would not insist upon the right of America to send this milk to these babies and submitted to a suggestion, for instance, that all commerce be with the Dutch over-sea trust, which, in reality, is an English corporation.

That Germany wanted an honorable peace. That of course he could not speak for his Government but that he thought they would be willing to withdraw from Belgium and France—he didn’t know about Poland. That if the allies wanted a war of attrition to the end, his country would fight to the end. That if America wished peace in the world she could secure it.

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That he had worked sincerely and assiduously for a better understanding between the American and German governments and that he expected the German Emperor, upon his return, would refer to his activities in this line and say to him “My dear Captain, but what is the use and result of all this work?”

That it had been a dream of his Imperial Master throughout the last twenty years that Germany, England and America should unite to hold the balance of influence in the world, with peace and goodwill among themselves but with a united front to the rest of the world. That every day of the war slaughtered thousands of the white race and made more imminent and real the yellow peril, especially as the yellow man now had learned from the white man the modern art of war.

Finally, that even though he was being sent away as he was, he should continue to urge upon his government better relations with the Government of the United States and continue in peace and friendship with it and that he hoped it was true that really the American Government desired peace with Germany.

  1. The file copy of this memorandum is unsigned. The Assistant Secretary of War at the time was Henry Breckinridge.
  2. Not printed.