763.72/1794½
The Austro-Hungarian Ambassador (Dumba) to the Secretary of State
My Dear Secretary of State: I just received your letter and am very thankful to you for giving me an opportunity of clearing up any misunderstanding or misrepresentation which evidently originated at the foreign office in Berlin.
I find the memorandum you had the kindness to send me quite correct and rendering faithfully the substance of our conversation.
As I could only send a short telegram, I had no possibility to touch all the points; so I did not mention at all my suggestion of an arbitration nor your cautious answer that you could not commit yourself, but were ready to reserve any suggestion. In order to vindicate myself I now shall communicate to you quite verbally the text of my telegram as far as it refers to our conversation: It was addressed to Baron Burian Vienna, but went via Berlin:
“Mr. Bryan, with whom I had a long talk about the situation, asked me today to draw, through your kind intervention, the attention of the Berlin Cabinet to two points:
I. The American protest, which with regard to the high waves of indignation roused in American public opinion by destruction of so many lives, was bound to be much more energetic than that of the 30th of March addressed to England,81 is yet kept in a friendly tone, and he (Mr. Bryan) hopes for an answer in the same friendly tone and spirit.
II. He would not see any advantage if the German Government should yield in the question of the submarine war on condition that the United States Government induces the London Cabinet to respect the law of nations, especially as far as free passage of foodstuffs is concerned. President Wilson would then appear to act in London under German pressure, and this action would not promise success. Mr. Bryan suggested rather an unconditional modification of the submarine warfare by Germany in the sense of the American note; at the same time, in an official statement of the German Government to the German people, the certain expectation could be expressed, that the United States would live up to their statement and press earnestly in London their view of the rights of neutral commerce.”—
I hear confidentially from a good source, that President Wilson will spontaneously act in this way in London in two to three days. Perhaps it is therefore advisable to wait so long in Berlin before answering the American note.”
The last sentence does not refer to our conversation. I leave it to your judgment whether I cabled anything which could be construed in the sense indicated by Ambassador Gerard, and deeply regret that my loyal effort to help in a difficult and delicate situation has met with so little success.
Believe me [etc.]