Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.

[Confidential.]
No. 8.]

Sir: On November 24 the British war ship Champion arrived, Capt Rooke commanding. He has about 250 men. On reaching here a telegraphic order was handed him, which will detain him until the difficulties here are settled.

On Saturday, December 2, the Japanese cruiser Naniwa Kau, Capt. Mosi commanding, arrived. She will also remain here until a settlement.

On Friday, November 24, your letter appeared in the Honolulu papers and created a great sensation. Crowds were gathered at all points on the streets discussing the news, but, although the excitement was so intense, I am glad to report that there was not a single breach of the peace. A public meeting was called, for the following night, of all friends of the Provisional Government. The meeting was held, the annexation papers stating that there were 1,600 present and the royalist papers putting the number at between 700 and 800. The speakers were Mr. Hatch, vice-president of the Provisional Government, Z. S. Spaulding, a large sugar-planter, who was, many years ago, U. S. consul here; Mr. W. R. Castle, a member of the advisory council; Hon. A. F. Judd, chief justice of the supreme court, and Mr. W. G. Smith. Mr. Smith is the editor of the Hawaiian Star, which holds very advanced views upon annexation and other political questions. I inclose an account of the meeting from the Hawaiian Gazette. The meeting quietly dispersed at 8:30 and there was no disorder of any kind.

On yesterday a protest against the use of force by the United States against their persons or property was presented to me by several gentlemen who, like the other 146 signers, still claim allegiance to our Government. One of the gentlemen, the secretary of the American League, claims to represent 150 members of that body. I inclose a printed copy of the protest. It may become necessary, hereafter, to reply to this protest, as many of its signers are officially connected with the Provisional Government.

On the morning of November 29 I received a letter from Hon. Sanford B. Dole, minister of foreign affairs, which letter I inclose, rescinding the privilege heretofore given to Admiral Skerrett, of landing his troops for drilling purposes. On Friday morning, December 1, I acknowledged the receipt of his letter and informed him that I had transmitted a copy of it to Admiral Irwin for his information and guidance.

In the afternoon of November 29 I received a second communication from Minister Dole, inquiring as to the authenticity of your letter to the President and the intentions of our Government in connection therewith. I inclose a copy of Mr. Dole’s letter and of my answer. I should have stated that, on the morning when information of your letter was received, President Dole and Attorney-General Smith called upon me, to know what the United States intended to do. I explained to them my inability at present to comply with their request.

Since then active preparations for defense have been going on. The former palace, now known as the executive building, has been fortified by bags of sand, both in front and around the various porticos. Guns and pistols have been placed in the hands of all who are willing to take them, whether American, foreigners, or natives, and herein lies one of the greatest dangers. Many of those who have received [Page 1247] these weapons, like children with a new toy, are eager to use them; lacking in intelligence and self-restraint and having no property interests at stake, they are liable at any moment to break into mob violence. The Portuguese consul-general, a most intelligent and capable man, called here last night to express his great fears that many of his people would become involved in trouble and disaster, as they had been supplied with arms, and, against his protest, mustered into the volunteer service.

There are over 10,000 Portuguese on the islands of whom one-fourth are in Honolulu. There are over 1,000 in this city of military age. The nationality, however, which, in my judgment, is destined to give most anxiety here is the Japanese, and this because of their aspiration for suffrage. Mr. Irwin, a brother of Admiral Irwin, arrived here yesterday from Japan. He has for many years been the minister of this country at Japan, and negotiated most of the contracts now pending. He is here, he tells me, to protect these contracts. He reports the Emperor of Japan as unwilling to interfere with these islands because of the large interests of our Government. When the contract period is over, the Emperor thinks the Japanese should be accorded the right of suffrage, but admits the propriety of a high educational and property qualification. As there are now 22,000 Japanese here every intelligent observer concedes that this question of suffrage will soon be a very important one.

As to the Queen’s safety I do not have any fear at present. There is a telephone in my sleeping room and I have authorized her people to call me up at any hour of the night or day. She also has the privilege, as stated in previous dispatches, of coming here or of going on one of our war vessels.

Aside from my communication with her, in regard to her safety, I have had nothing to say to the Queen or to her representatives since the interview reported in dispatch No. 3 of November 14. There have been various newspaper hints as to the fact of the interview, but none as to the subject-matter thereof. I have made further inquiries as to the Queen’s understanding of the English tongue, and find that she is perfectly familiar with it, having been a classmate of Chief-Justice Judd and other prominent citizens.

I received your cipher telegram. My telegram to you was purposely indefinite and obscure, for reasons which you doubtless now understand. I send a cipher telegram to-day by the steamer Oceanic covering several of the points above set forth.

After a careful study of my instructions and of all the surroundings I felt it to be my duty to take no further step until I heard from you and the President.

With sentiments of profound regard, I am, etc.,

Albert S. Willis.

a great meeting.

The drill shed filled with enthusiastic men.—An immense throng turns out.—The people’s voice is raised in indignant protest against Cleveland and Gresham.—Prominent men thrill a vast audience with their patriotic utterances, and show the fallacy of restoring monarchy.—Text of the speeches in full.

Enthusiasm, cheers, indignation at Gresham’s late action, American patriotism, and men with their feelings strung up to the highest pitch of excitement, were the features of Saturday evening’s mass meeting. Over 1,200 men were present, and not a dissenting voice among them; men who were not only ready and willing, hut anxious to express their sentiments on the question now so near the hearts of all good Americans.

[Page 1248]

An immense crowd was expected and an immense crowd came. By 7:30 o’clock the hall was crowded and from that time till 8:30 many others came in. When the meeting was over the surging crowd of humanity quietly melted away, each one talking to his companion, whether friend or stranger, about the situation.

On one side of the hall a platform had been erected for the use of speakers. On it were seated Vice-President F. M. Hatch, Col. Z. S. Spalding, W. R. Castle, Chief Justice A. F. Judd, P. C. Jones, W. C. Wilder, and W. G. Smith.

F. M. Hatch, president of the Annexation Club, was the first speaker, and he opened the meeting with a rousing speech. He said:

Fellow Citizens: You have been invited to meet to-night to consider our present political situation. We are confronted by the declaration of Secretary Gresham that royalty must he restored and our Government destroyed. A kind Providence has given us this opportunity to he heard before final action will be taken upon this issue. At present we are proceeding merely upon the newspaper reports which have been received here and which certainly we have a right to discuss. We do not know what action will be taken by the President or by Congress. Certainly any action taken by the Congress of the United States of America cannot be resisted by anybody in this community. Let us not be misunderstood or misrepresented by a hostile press; we do not meet here to-night to defy the power of the United States, that would be absurd, gentlemen, nor to villify those at present in charge of the Government of the United States. [Cries of “Hear! Hear!” and applause.]

But we meet with the hope that our words will be heard by Congress before action is taken by that body. There are certain features in the letter of Mr. Gresham to the President which show that he is proceeding upon a false assumption. Let us hope that the distinguished Secretary has been misinformed up to this date. It is certainly our prerogative to point out the false assumptions and to challenge them. Now, chief among those false assumptions is the one which seems to underlie the whole letter, that there has been submitted to the arbitration of the President of the United States the question whether or not we had a right to establish a government in this country. Gentlemen, I challenge that assumption. [Great applause, cheers, and cries of “you’re right.”] The assumption is false in every respect. [Cheers and applause.]

Let me briefly point out why. Two parties can make a contract, but it requires the consent of three to make a valid arbitration—that of the two parties in interest and the arbitrator. The parties must clearly define the subject-matter of the arbitration. It is absurd to contend that there could be any arbitration by inference or imputation. First, has there been any issue framed; has the Provisional Government submitted to the decision of anybody its right to exist? [Cries of “No!” “No!”] Not one word or one act can be produced in support of that contention. Gentlemen, from the nature of things, a government which started in revolution, though now the government de jure as well as de facto, could not submit the question of the legality of its existence to any arbitration because its right lay in its might. Having satisfied our consciences as to the justness of our cause we depend upon our might, and are answerable to no other power. [Applause.]

I brand as false the claim that we have put in issue the question whether or not we were proceeding legally or not in overturning a corrupt and rotten monarchy. [Great applause, cheers, and cries of “Hear!” “Hear!”] Second, has the President of the United States, up to this point, pretended to have been acting in a judicial capacity? I say his acts do not justify that assumption. An arbitrator or judge would not interfere with the existing status of the parties. The President of the United States immediately upon gaining his seat lowered the American flag and thereby changed the status of the parties. [Cries of “Hear!” “Hear!”] That was not the act of a judge, gentlemen. Again, has he notified anybody that he was proceeding with a judicial investigation? Has he given any notice that a hearing would be had on such a date? Has he notified anybody the witnesses were being examined? Has he given anybody an opportunity to cross-examine those witnesses or to confront them? Has he given anybody on our side an opportunity to cross-examine those witnesses or to confront them? Has he given anybody on our side the opportunity to be heard? [Cries of “no, no; he never has!”]

Now, we do not need the legal knowledge of that distinguished judge, who is now Secretary of State, to know that no arbitration could stand for a moment in law, however insignificant the matter, which was conducted ex parte, without an opportunity to be heard; without an inspection of the evidence which has been produced, or opportunity to cross-examine the witnesses. How was the late arbitration conducted in Paris? Did a number of gentlemen get together on the Bering Sea question and in, private decide upon that matter? Did they send a private agent off to Bering Sea to look about and scratch the back of the seals [laughter], interview the neighbors and make a report? [Laughter, cheers, and applause].

Gentlemen, it can hardly be contended that the Provisional Government and we representing the supporters of that Government have submitted our right to [Page 1249] exist to Col. James H. Blount, of Georgia. [Applause.] The President of the United States had the undoubted right, so far as we were concerned, to examine into the status here, the situation of the country, as bearing upon the question whether or not he should continue the negotiations of union pending when he took his seat as President. That was ostensibly the object for which Col. Blount was sent to these shores. We insist that up to this point there has been no judicial investigation in which both parties have been given the opportunity to be heard. [Applause.] And again, as showing conclusively the utter absurdity of the position that this has been an arbitration, could an arbitration of such a nature be possible when the Government of the United States had a treaty pending before it—between it and the power which it is charged was submitting its right to exist to the decision of one man? [Cries of “No, no!”]

We were a power de facto then; we were recognized by certain great powers of the world, which made us a power de jure, and we were a power having treaty relations with the United States of America. [Applause.] A treaty had been negotiated which bound the Executives of the two nations at the moment President Cleveland took his seat. That treaty awaited ratification to make it final, but it nevertheless was a treaty binding the Executive. Now, gentlemen, I challenge the right of the Chief Executive of that great nation, of his own mere motion, to undo the act of any of his predecessors. [Great applause.] Congress may do it; Congress has the full power; but Grover Cleveland has no more right, legally or morally, to undo the act of Benjamin Harrison than he had to undo any act of Abraham Lincoln. [Great applause and cheers.]

But waiving all those considerations, there remains this fundamental one, that no court of arbitration would have the right to ignore the great question at issue; that is, whether or not Liliuokalani had violated the constitution; had thrown it to the dogs, and had put herself beyond the pale and protection of the law. To ignore all that and decide this great issue upon the petty technicality as to whether or not Mr. Stevens recognized the power of this community five minutes too soon or not, was not in the power of a judge. [Great applause, and cries of “You’re right.”] I repeat, there has been no submission to arbitration. Let us, therefore, challenge all false assumptions, gentlemen, and let that challenge go on record. Let us hold the President to the true issue, and then if the legally constituted power of the United States, the power which has the right under the Constitution to declare war, overpowers us, we will go down with our colors flying, and with no misrepresentation possible. Let it be known to the world that if that event takes place it will be because the United States has exercised its power, but not its right. Let us hope that the showing we can make will have the effect upon Congress in shaping its course, and that it will also have its effect upon the distinguished Secretary of State and the Chief Executive of the American Nation. [Great applause.]

No. 203.

w. r. castle.

W. R. Castle was the next speaker. His speech follows:

Fellow-Citizens: We come here to-night to voice our indignant protest. [Cheers, and cries of “Hear! Hear!”] It is well, upon great occasions, for people to assemble and express their united voice, as this meeting to-night will speak. Great occasions demand great meetings like this. The history of the world gives us many memorable instances. The history of Hawaii has shown us that when a great occasion demanded, a public assembly was called, and the voice of that assembly has been listened to. When the arrogance of the monarch, Kalakaua, became too great, the mass meeting of 1887 met, and its voice was heard, and the Monarch yielded.

That monarch proved false. His successor has followed in the same footsteps. The people have been patient; we have waited, we have hoped for better things; but when the attempt was made to sweep our rights from under our feet, to take away the liberties of the subject, the result was the mass meeting of January 16, 1893, and the voice of that meeting, as expressed, resulted in the downfall of the monarchy and in the establishment of the Provisional Government. [Cheers.] The Provisional Government, gentlemen, represents you, and no one else. [Applause.] As it was said by one of the leading men of the United States recently, a few people went on the ships in Boston harbor and threw some tea overboard. Had the question been submitted to the people of the colonies at that time: “Shall the colonies separate from Great Britain?” a great majority of the people of the united colonies would have said no. They were afraid to step in the dark.

I believe the same is true here. We know that the native population of Hawaii was afraid of what seems to them one step in the dark; but the time will come when they will thank God that there were people willing to risk their lives, their property, their all to establish in Hawaii true liberty. [Great applause and cheers.] [Page 1250] Fellow citizens, Hawaii tends towards one goal and only one; that is, union with its mother across the water. [Great applause.]

If to-day the progress of Hawaii is arrested, is delayed, it is simply delay for a short time. We shall go on, and the time will come, and most of us here will see that time, when Hawaii will rest secure in the bosom of its great and good mother. [Cries of “Hear!” cheers and applause.] In olden times there was a man whose wisdom led him to declare that the world was round; that the world went round the sun; that the stars revolved in their courses, and he was met by the mighty power of the Roman Catholic Church, which declared that he was wrong. Gentlemen, did that make any difference with the facts; did that make any delay in the revolving of the spheres? Can Secretary Gresham stop the onward progress of Hawaii? [Cries of “Never!” and applause.] You sent a commission to Washington to ask that Hawaii might be admitted to the Union.

What was the response of the great heart of that people when we went there? The people welcomed us with a thrill throughout the country from one end to the other. [Applause.] And we went on and were welcomed in Washington. But our enemies, of course, have been alert—they have filled the ears of the present administration in Washington with falsehood; they have stuffed the ears of Secretary Gresham, perhaps of the President, with lies as to what is taking place here. Do they know the facts? We are bound to believe that Secretary Gresham and the President of the United States are trying to execute justice; are trying to do what is right. Whether they are doing it, we know, not they. [Cries of “Hear! Hear!” and applause.] They do not know what the facts are, but we do know, and now it is proposed to take away from us the liberty which we have gained. [Cries of “No! No! They never will do it.”]

It is proposed to restore the tottering throne, the monarchy of Hawaii. [Cries of “They can’t do it! Never!”] Who proposed, to do that? The people of the United States? [Cries of “No! No!”] It is proposed by Secretary Gresham; it is proposed by the President; but the people have spoken. What has been their voice? The people of the United States have, with one accord, voiced our sentiments in favor of liberty. Gentlemen, after the remarks of the president of the Annexation Club it is perhaps unnecessary to dilate any further on the constitutionality of the proposed proceeding of the President of the United States.

In all my reading I fail to find anywhere that the President of the United States is authorized to begin a war, and this proposition to restore the Queen to the throne of Hawaii, if carried out, will be an act of war. Then let us stand firm in our right, and if such a step is taken let him be impeached before the Senate of his country. [Cheers and applause.] Let me call your attention to just one specimen of truthfulness in that report. Mr. Gresham tells the President that the people of Hawaii dare not rise to overthrow the present Government, because they will meet, the armed forces of the United States. The President of the United States sent out here his commissioner, his “paramount commissioner” [laughter], and the first act of that commissioner was to take down the American flag. Then he stood by to see us tumble.

Well, gentlemen, we didn’t tumble worth a cent. [Laughter.] That taking down of the flag was an invitation, and it was so understood by the people of this country, to overturn the best government this country ever had. [Cries of “Hear, hear!” and “It didn’t do it!”] The paramount commissioner waited to see the result, and no such result following, thereupon issued his proclamation, and again invited the people to overthrow this Government. Was not the fact of the flag being taken down known to Secretary Gresham? Has not the proclamation that Commissioner Blount issued in Honolulu, inviting rebellion, inviting the overthrow of this Government, threatening the dire vengeance of the United States upon any and all Americans who assisted us—has not that been published broadcast from one end of the United States to another? Has not Secretary Gresham read that proclamation until he knows it by heart?

The second invitation by the commissioner of the United States to overturn the Government failed in its object, and now the Secretary of the United States blinded, I believe, by false information, again proposes to overturn the Government established by the people of this country. [Cries of “Never!” “He won’t do it!”] He proposes to take that position and assumes that the people of this country will not oppose it. [Cries of “He can’t do it!”]

Gentlemen, the time is coming when we will see that glorious flag, that emblem of the truest liberty the world knows, floating over our heads—the flag of this country. [Great applause and cheers, and a voice in the crowd shouted: “What is the matter with putting it up there now and keeping it there?”] Gentlemen, the people of the United States wish to hear our voice, they wish to hear what we have to say upon this subject, and I hope that the next vessel that goes to the coast will bear an unmistakable voice from us to-night. At the request of the president of this association, I will now offer the following resolution, which I hope will be adopted without one dissenting voice:

[Page 1251]

Resolution.

Resolved, That we have read with surprise and regret the recommendation of the Secretary of State of the United States to the President, to restore the monarchy lately existing in Hawaii.

Resolved, That we condemn the assumption of the Secretary that the right of the Provisional Government to exist was terminated by his refusal to re-submit to the Senate the treaty of Union pending between the two countries; and also his assumption that the Provisional Government had at that very time submitted the question of its continued existence to the arbitrament of the President or of any other power.

Resolved, That we support to the best of our ability the Provisional Government, in resisting any attack upon it which may be made contrary to the usage of nations.

z. s. spalding.

Mr. Castle was followed by Col. Z. S. Spalding, the speaker of the evening. His remarks were interrupted many times by cheers and applause. He said:

Fellow Citizens: The State Department at Washington having recently made public some of the ancient history of these islands, in which they did me honor of proving my being “an annexationist” as far back as 1868. [Cries of “Good boy!” and cheers.] I feel that I am entitled to attend this meeting. [Cries of “Hear, hear!”] And I also feel that it was no matter to be ashamed of at that date, when I had the honor of being the representative of the great American Republic at these Islands, it is still less my desire now to repudiate those sentiments or falter in my allegiance to the doctrine so ably upheld by, and so intimately connected with the names of Webster, Seward, and Blaine. [Great applause.]

I have great respect for the honorable gentleman who now holds the portfolio of the State Department at Washington. He and I were two humble units in the great mass of loyal men who helped to save the integrity of the Union in the dark days of the civil war. [Cries of “hear, hear.”] I can forgive almost any weakness in the judgment of a man whose heart and hand were on the right side in that bloody strife, but I confess it requires a good deal of charity to overlook the proposition that the same spirit which in 1861 animated the defenders of that Christian civilization and advancement, by means of which the United States have outstripped the world, shall now take a back seat or march to the rear, and leave the work of nearly a century of devoted hearts and willing hands in the enlightenment of this people and the improvement of this country to be destroyed by the ruthless hand of superstition and ignorance. [Cheers and applause.]

It is not my intention to measure swords with the honorable Secretary in the discussion of facts relating to the establishment of the present Government. That it was established and has since been maintained in the interests of the whole country and for the purpose of giving the whole people the benefit of an honest and able administration of its affairs is, in my opinion, beyond dispute. I publicly declare that the newspaper statement attributed to Claus Spreckels, to the effect that “under the management of the Revolutionary Government business on the islands has becomed depressed * * * and would have continued to diminish as long as the Government had existed,” etc., is not borne out by the facts. [Applause.]

If Mr. Spreckels’s plantations nave not been more remunerative during the past year than for any year since the passage of the McKinley bill it has been on account of the dry weather, and not from any fault of the Provisional Government. [Laughter and applause.] Mr. Jaeger is credited with saying for publication, “the Provisional Government has little to commend it. It could not long endure if left to itself.” Such statements would have little effect were the parties uttering them known to the people who read their utterances. [Laughter.] I have lived in this country quite as long as Mr. Jaeger, and I challenge any man to name a cabinet during the last twenty-five years the members of which were the superiors, if indeed the equals, of the men who now hold the various offices under the Provisional Government. [Cheers and applause.]

Now, why are we annexationists? I quite agree with my friend, Mr. Spreckels, that under the conditions he names and fears my business as a sugar-planter would not be benefited by having this country come under the laws and restrictions of the United States regarding Chinese and other labor. [Laughter.] If I owned the whole country, and belonged to the sugar trust, I think it very likely I would not want to be annexed. [Laughter.] But, here again, as I am only a unit, and as I believe the future welfare of the country would be better assured by annexation, I am willing to take my chances under the Stars and Stripes, especially as I believe such union would prove a benefit to the country from which we on these islands have drawn all our support. [Great applause.]

We are here this evening to consider the publication of the views of the Secretary [Page 1252] of State, at Washington, and perhaps decide the question as to whether or not shall give up the idea of annexation. [Cries of “no, no, never.”] If the opinion expressed by the honorable Secretary of State could be considered as the voice of the people of the United States, I should advise that we save our breath to cool our porridge. But from the somewhat forcible opposition expressed by the press and public, I am led to believe that the Secretary found the snow coming down the side of the mountain very rapidly after his letter was made public, [Laughter and applause.] Therefore, I am forced to give my opinion that it would be unwise and unadvisable to give up the fight before the back countries are heard from. [Here a voice in the crowd shouted: “Let us give up our guns hot, and cartridge belts empty.” Cheers and applause.]

Here I must beg your indulgence for a personal explanation. Secretary Gresham says in his letter: “Mr. Blount states that while in Honolulu he did not meet a single annexationist who expressed his willingness to submit the question to a vote of the people; he did not talk with one on that subject who did not insist that if the islands were annexed suffrage should be so restricted as to give a complete control to the foreigners or whites, while representative annexationists have repeatedly made similar statements to the undersigned.” I had the honor, while in Washington, of an interview with the honorable Secretary, and was asked by him to give my views upon the matter quoted. My reply was, that while I did not consider it proper to submit the terms of a treaty to the people before the treaty was made in Hawaii any more than in the United States, I was, and am perfectly willing to say that under the Constitution and laws of the United States, and especially under such restrictions as the representatives of the United States Government might themselves see fit to make, I would allow every native voter with the ordinary qualifications to vote at any and every election to be held. [Applause.]

I may not have been classed with the “representative annexationists” by the honorable Secretary, but as I had been called upon and had given him my opinion, I object to his wholesale denunciation of “annexationists” under the charge that they would rob the natives of any rights natural to them under the circumstances. [Cries of “Hear, hear!” and “Good boy!”] When the time comes for reestablishment of the right of suffrage in this country the native population may depend upon the annexationists to demand for them the privileges of republican citizenship as fully certainly as granted through the great political party to which the honorable Secretary belongs by the grand old State of Mississippi to its citizens. [Laughter and applause.]

I further object to the position taken by the honorable Secretary in the assumption of the right on the part of the President of the United States to arbitrate between the present Government of these islands and any party whomsoever without being specially invited to such arbitration by this Government. [Cries of “Hear!” Hear!”] And I heartily concur with the resolution you have passed denouncing the assumption by the Secretary of State at Washingtion, if we are right in our interpretation of the language ascribed to him, that the Provisional Government of Hawaii, or its powers, terminated with his advice to the President—that the treaty of annexation be not returned to the Senate. [Applause.] The Provisional Government was created (to use the Secretary’s own words) “To exist until the terms of the union with the United States have been negotiated and agreed upon.” So far, the two Governments have fully “negotiated” the terms of union, but no official agreement has been reached. When either party gives notice to the other of failure to agree, it will be, I think, time enough for the Provisional Government to decide whether such failure is positive and complete, or only temporary, and to act as may seem best for the interests of the people it serves. [Cries of “Hear!” Hear!” and applause.]

At present I can not accept the’ opinion expressed by the honorable Secretary of State as the decision or will of the people of that great Republic which for nearly a century has fostered the growth upon these islands of an American sentiment that to-day, in its devotion to the stars and stripes, may challenge the loyalty of even the honorable Secretary himself. [Cheers and applause.] Hawaii is the one spot in all the world outside the strict boundaries of the United States where “Americanism” has grown and flourished even under the blighting influences of an effete monarchy. [Great applause.]

Do you ask how this has been accomplished? I answer, through the kindly influences of that great Republic which has been to these islands a “creator bounteous and benign.” By the example and precepts of her missionaries she has let in the light of Christianity where all was dark before. By the sunshine of her favors and the rainfall of her financial benefits to us she has enabled us to change the barren hillsides into productive fields and add largely to the food supply of her people. [Applause.] We, in return, have consumed many of her products, and there has arisen an exchange of commodities between the two countries of mutual benefit. That this would go on under a more perfect union I can not doubt; not [Page 1253] can I doubt that the interchange would be more generally beneficial than under the monarchical form of government advocated by my friend and naturalized fellow-countryman, who has so strongly expressed himself against this Government.

That the good people of the United States will refuse the admission of Hawaii, under proper regulations, and thus add another star to the galaxy which leads the van in the advance of civilization throughout the world, I can not doubt. [Cheers.] But we must show our right to march in that front rank of civilization, and therefore it behooves us to guard well the structure that has been established, and not to allow its fair fame to be sullied by acts unworthy of the cause in which it was raised. [Cheers and applause.] We believe that the present Government represents the best elements of this country. Let us so show it to the world. [Great applause.]

Mr. Hatch. Gentlemen, I believe that no opportunity should be lost to reiterate the announcement that we have no quarrel with the Hawaiian people, our quarrel is with the Hawaiian monarchy. In this connection I will introduce Chief Justice Judd.

chief-justice judd.

Chief-Justice A. F. Judd followed with the following:

Fellow citizens: I am glad to be with you this evening. [Cries of “Hear!” “Hear?”] During the last twenty years I have attended but one political meeting before this to-night, and that was in the old Bethel, in 1881. I took a back seat at that time when a few citizens assembled together there to protest against the appointment of Celso Caesar Moreno as minister of foreign affairs of this then kingdom. [Applause.] I come before you and wish to say something because I am a Hawaiian. My father came to this country in 1828. I was born here and received the larger part of my education here. I am a Hawaiian by birth, but an American in blood. [Cries of “Hear!” “Hear!” and applause.] My ancestors date back to 1634, when the first Judd came from England and settled in America. I am proud of that ancestry, and I am proud of the fact that I was born in this country. I love this country. It is my country, and it is the “garden of the gods.” [Applause.]

My father devoted his life to this country and I have, thus far, conscientiously to the best interests of the Hawaiian people. [Cries of “Hear!” “Hear!”] And I challenge anyone to say that any act of mine has been knowingly done against the best interests of this country. [Applause.] And if the Queen, the classmate and friend of my early years, had listened to the advice of the justices of the supreme court she would not be where she is over there, but she would still be in the building over yonder. [The palace.] I was loyal to the monarchy and supported the autonomy of this country, and I believed, up to the 14th of January, that it was possible to maintain our independence as a Kingdom. But, gentlemen, I spent from 12 o’clock noon until 4 o’clock in the afternoon in that palace and the events which took place there converted me and made me feel that it was impossible that that state of things could continue any longer. [Applause.]

What was attempted on that day? Was it not to promulgate by force a constitution that would have destroyed the independence of the supreme court? What has been the bulwark of this country? I speak humbly; not for myself, but for my associates and predecessors. Has it not been a court that has sustained the law and the constitution and the rights of the people; an independent judiciary appointed for life, subject only to impeachment? And the constitution that was proposed on the 14th of January, was to make the term of office six years, and the salaries dependent upon such legislature as this last one. Could any white man take the commission under such conditions? Not if his name was Judd. [Applause.] This is not a political meeting. If it were a partisan, political meeting, I should have more respect for the office that I have held for nearly twenty years and stayed away. I was the last person that Col. Blount sought an interview with, and wish to say publicly that not one question did he address to me as to my views with regard to whether the revolution of January 17 was accomplished by the aid of Minister Stevens and the troops of the Boston. That subject he did not touch upon. [Cries of “He didn’t want to touch upon it!”]

I believe, gentlemen, that it was that mass meeting held in the old armory that settled the question, was it not? [Applause.] And this mass meeting, gentlemen, settles the question that we shall be true and resolute and support the present Government, which is, as brother Hatch has called it, not only the Government de facto, but as it has lasted nearly a year, and received the recognition of all the great powers of the world, it is the Government de jure. I have sworn to support it, I intend to support it, and, gentlemen, I will only say one thing more, that we will all have to hang together or hang separately. [Laughter and applause.]

[Page 1254]

w. g. smith.

W. G. Smith, editor of the Star, spoke as follows:

Fellow-citizens: If I have any apology to-night for speaking in this distinguished presence, it is that I am a newcomer to these islands. But I think I may atone for that by standing elbow to elbow to you in any trouble that may come to us [cries of “Hear!” “Hear!” and applause], and in encouraging every man newly arrived on this soil to defend the institutions which you have founded, and help preserve the liberty which you have won. [Applause.] This meeting to-night, in a smaller way, must remind us of those meetings which stirred the blood of Boston and the heart of Philadelphia in the last quarter of the previous century. Then, as now, men were met together to band themselves against a despotism. [Cries of “Hear!” “Hear!” and applause.]

Then, as now, they were met to protest to the mother country that she should not betray and outrage her sons. [Applause.] Then, as now, they were met to pledge their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor in the cause of liberty. [Applause.] It can not be, fellow-citizens, that any man inheriting a drop of that patriotic blood, with any strain of it in his veins, could want to-day to take the place of old King George and coerce the men of his own flesh, of his own flag, and of his own speech because they are Americans enough not to bow down before a throne. [Great applause and cheers.] I do not believe, fellow-citizens, that any man who has taken that position has a right to Revolutionary sires; but I thank God that there are Americans who have spoken since the infamies of Gresham who have patriot blood and ancestry; and I thank God again that if they get the opportunity to speak in the way they would they will be heard in the earthquake voice of majorities like those of Pennsylvania and New York. [Great applause.]

Fellow-citizens, we are few, but it was said of old that one with God is a majority; and surely that cause which has Christian civilization on its side, which stands for Christianity and morality as well as liberty, will have Almighty aid. [Applause.] I say, gentlemen, we are few. Some of us are Hawaiians of American descent; some of us are Americans by birth, inheritors of Lexington and Concord [cries of “Hear “Hear!”]; some of us are Germans, whose sturdy manliness was never known to compromise with an enemy in arms [applause]; some of us are British by birth and inherit, perhaps, the British love of constitutional liberty, not overawed by respect to thrones; some, again, are of Latin blood, and among them centuries of subject life has not quenched the spark of democratic aspiration [applause]; but though we are of many bloods, yet we are of one mind [great applause], and that one mind means loyalty to the Provisional Government no less in its hour of peril than in its hour of apparent triumph. [Great applause.]

If we are dispossessed, I take it that it-must be by the armed forces of the United States, illegally and unconstitutionally ordered for a coercive purpose and triumphing over such legal as well as patriotic opposition as our policy may see fit to put in line. Let us have hope and faith that if this outrage comes to us the time will be when the United States, in truer, wiser, and more patriotic hands, will undo the Wrong and repair the infamy. [Cries of “Hear, hear!” and applause.] I want to say in closing that it is our duty, forgetting all past dissensions and minor differences, to close in solid ranks about the Provisional Government. [Great applause.] We need to do this for two reasons: One, to suppress all domestic insurrection with a hand of iron, and the other, to compel Mr. Cleveland, if he intends to follow out the course so far outlined, to do it by a violation of the Constitution, which confers the act of war upon Congress alone, and thus expose himself to merited impeachment. [Great applause.]

We can not fire upon the American flag nor upon the men in blue, our brothers and our countrymen, but we can so resist the progress of the American troops as to make their capture of this Government by President Cleveland’s orders an infraction of the Constitution. [Great applause.] And that, fellow citizens, I believe we have the power to do, and not only the power to do, but the willingness to do. [Great and continued applause.] Here some one in the crowd called for three cheers for Mr. Smith, which were given with a will.

p. c. jones.

P. C. Jones was the last speaker. He said:

Grover Cleveland has been heard from. [Laughter.] The American people are being heard from. [Laughter.] The next Congress is yet to be heard from. [Laughter and applause.] I think that Grover Cleveland in completing his plan to restore the monarchy here should have done one more thing, and that is, he should have issued an order that all four of the original members of the executive council of the Provisional Government should be shot on the day of the restoration. (Laughter.) [Page 1255] That in itself would have rounded out the whole scheme and would have afforded a great deal of pleasure to some royalists. [Laughter.]

Our motto you know, is “Liberty or death” [great applause] with, as the fellow said, a very strong preference for the former, [Laughter.] In thinking over the question, fellow-citizens, there is one thing that comes to me very clearly, and that is, our duty at this time to the Provisional Government [cries of “Stick to it!”] is to stand by it and support the executive. They are the men who are bearing the brunt and the burden and the strain of the day. [Applause.] We must help them with our arms, with our hands, with our tongues, with our prayers, and with every instrument that we can serve them with. We should help them. [Cries of “We will.”] They are good men and true. I think the time has been taken up with speeches and 1 must be very brief, fellow-citizens. In 1884 when Grover Cleveland was first chosen President of the United States it was said that he obtained his election by three R’s, Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion. You all know the story, and it is unnecessary for me to tell it to you.

To-day, fellow-citizens, Grover Cleveland stands impeached before the American colony of Hawaii by three R’s, and I hope that very soon the U. S. Congress will also impeach him unlesss he retracts. [Cheers and applause.] Now those three R’s are the Restoration of a Rotten Royalty. [Laughter and applause.] But, fellow-citizens, we are not alone in condemning this; there are sixty million of our countrymen in our own country backing us up. [Cheers.] And I furthermore believe, fellow-citizens, that God Almighty is with us. [Cheers.] I believe that on the 17th of January He was with us, and I believe He has been with us ever since; and in His own time and in His own way He will let us out into a large place. And so I say let us thank God, and take courage. [Cheers and applause.]

This ended the speeches for the evening. Mr. Hatch again read the resolution, and asked all those in favor of it to signify it. A mighty “aye,” that almost shook the building, went up. The contrary minded were then called for, and death-like stillness was the result.

Some one called for three cheers for the Provisional Government, and they were given with a will, and, with a last tiger. The meeting broke up, and one of the most enthusiastic, as well as one of the largest assemblages Honolulu has ever witnessed was over.

[Inclosure 2.]

citizens’ protest.

Minister Willis addressed by the people.—He is reminded that interference by his Government will be an act of war.—Full text of the protest.

His Excellency Albert S. Willis,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America:

Sir: The undersigned, American residents of Honolulu, in the Island of Oahu, one of the Hawaiian Islands, respectfully represent to your excellency that they are citizens of the United States of America and have done nothing whereby to forfeit or waive their full legal and constitutional rights as such citizens.

That the undersigned made their residences and homes and acquired and owned property in the Hawaiian Islands, relying on the rights secured and guaranteed by the Hawaiian constitutions of 1852 and of 1865, which rights were confirmed and enlarged by the constitution of 1887.

That on the 14th day of January last the undersigned learned that it was the determination of Liliuokalani, then Hawaiian sovereign, to disregard and annul the rights of life, liberty, and property guaranteed, secured, confirmed and enlarged by the said Hawaiian constitutions, and that she publicly proclaimed her determination to repudiate the obligations imposed upon her by virtue of her oath of office as such sovereign to support and maintain the Constitution of the Hawaiian Islands, and publicly announced her intention to govern this country pursuant to her arbitrary, despotic will, to be proclaimed by a public manifesto which she called a new constitution.

That a meeting of many citizens of Honolulu was held upon the afternoon of said day, which was attended by John F. Colburn, then minister of the interior, and Arthur P. Peterson, then attorney-general, by whom it was then publicly stated that such was the determination and intention of said Liliuokalani, and that, if assisted by the citizens, they would oppose the same.

[Page 1256]

That on said 14th day of January the then legally constituted authorities of the Hawaiian Islands were undoubtedly and avowedly incapable of controlling the elements of the anarchy which was proclaimed and intended by said Liliuokalani, or of preventing impending mob violence, or of keeping the public peace.

That in consequence and by reason of the premises a committee of public safety was chosen at said meeting and on the following Monday, at a mass meeting of the citizens of Honolulu, the said committee was authorized to take measures requisite for the public safety; that, in conformity therewith, on the 17th day of said January the present Government of the Hawaiian Islands was established and proclaimed, and has since governed and controlled the Hawaiian Islands, having been recognized by all foreign representatives in Honolulu, and having diplomatic and consular representatives abroad, especially in the United States of America, who have been and still are recognized and treated as the only accredited representatives of the said Government.

That a treaty of annexation was negotiated with said Government by and in behalf of the U. S. Government, and that no public notice has been given to the undersigned of any intention on the part of the U. S. Government to break off diplomatic relations with the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, or to do any acts of war or hostility to the said Government.

That no such acts of war or hostility can now be done without endangering the lives and property of the undersigned, and of their families, relatives, and friends in the Hawaiian Islands.

That owing to the insular situation of this country there would be no opportunity for the undersigned to take such steps and do such things as would secure the safety of the lives of themselves, their wives and children, and of their property in case of such acts of war or hostility.

And the undersigned hereby solemnly and respectfully protest to your excellency, and to Grover Cleveland, President of the United States, and to Walter Q. Gresham, Secretary of State, and to Hilary A. Herbert, Secretary of the Navy, and to Rear-Admiral John Irwin, commanding the United States naval forces now in the waters of the Hawaiian Islands, and to all others concerned, that any such acts of war or hostility if taken, attempted, or announced in the time of profound peace now existing between the United States and the Hawaiian Islands, or without any full, formal, and timely announcement thereof, will and would cause all concerned in authorizing the same to be held responsible for all the consequences that may ensue therefrom, not only before Almighty God and in the forum of conscience, but by all sanctioned rules and observances of civilized nations in their dealing with each other, and will and would be in violation of the rights of the undersigned, secured and belonging to them as citizens of the United States of America.

We have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servants and fellow-citizens.

[Inclosure No. 3.]

Mr. Dole to Mr. Willis.

Sir: On the 7th of August last permission was given by the Government, through the office of the. American legation, to Rear-Admiral J. S. Skerrett, commanding U. S. naval force, Pacific Station, at his request to land the crews of the ships under his command for battalion drill when desired.

The Government now wishes to rescind the said privilege in its indefinite character and to return to the former practice under which a request was made at each occasion when the privilege of landing men under arms was desired.

I have the honor to request that this modification of the present arrangement be transmitted through your office to Rear-Admiral Irwin, commanding U. S. naval force, Pacific Station.

With sentiments of the highest consideration and esteem.

I have, etc.,

Sanford B. Dole,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
[Page 1257]
[Inclosure No. 4.]

Mr. Dole to Mr. Willis.

Sir: Having received from our minister at Washington, Hon. Lorin A. Thurston, accredited to the Government of the United States of America, information of an official letter from Secretary of State, Hon. Walter Q. Gresham, to President Cleveland, which is of an unfriendly nature toward this Government, recommending hostile action by the President towards us, alleged copies of which letter have been published in the American press, I desire to inquire of you whether the published reports of such letter of Secretary Gresham are substantially correct? If they are, I feel that it is due this Government that it should be informed of the intentions of your Government in relation to the suggestions contained in the said letter of Mr. Gresham.

Accept the assurance of the profound consideration and high esteem with which I have, etc.,

Sanford B. Dole,
Minister of Foreign Affair.
[Inclosure 5.]

Mr. Willis to Mr. Dole.

Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of the 29th ultimo inquiring as to the authenticity of a letter of Hon. W. Q. Gresham, Secretary of State, upon the Hawaiian question, and stating that if the “published reports of such letter are substantially correct” you “feel that it is due this (your) Government that it should be informed of the intentions of your (my) Government in relation to the suggestions contained in the said letter of Mr. Gresham.”

As to the letter of Mr. Gresham, I have the honor to call your attention to the fact, as shown by you, that it is a communication from a member of the Cabinet to the President of the United States, and, being a domestic transaction, is not the subject of diplomatic representation.

Answering your note further I must express my sincere regret that it is not in my power at present to inform you of the views or intentions of the United States. The President earnestly desires a speedy settlement of your troubles, and will, in my opinion, be ready to make known his purposes as soon as he is informed of certain matters recently submitted to him.

With high regard, I am, etc.,

Albert S. Willis.