Foreign Relations of the United States, 1894, Appendix II, Affairs in Hawaii
[Untitled]
March 7, 1894.—Read, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and ordered to be printed.
The Congress:
I transmit herewith copies of certain dispatches lately received from our minister at Hawaii, together with copies of the inclosures which accompanied such dispatches.
March 7, 1894.
Washington, March 7, 1894.
The President:
The Secretary of State has the honor to lay before the President copies of dispatches, numbered 35, 36, and 37, received from our minister to Hawaii.
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, February 10, 1894.
Hon. W. Q.
Gresham,
Secretary of State:
Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your dispatches numbered 8 and 9.
Very respectfully,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, February 14, 1894.
Hon. W. Q.
Gresham,
Secretary of State:
Sir: The past month has been unusually quiet. The action of Congress is awaited with great interest, as indicating the future policy of the United States towards this country.
Several days ago a number of the Government soldiers were affected in a peculiar way, which gave rise to a rumor of poisoning. There seems, however, to have been little cause for such suspicion.
To-day at 6 o’clock p.m. the Chinese have called a meeting to consider certain proposed changes in the law affecting them. Upon this slender basis a rumor is current of a Chinese uprising. This is, in my judgment, utterly without foundation. The absence of frequent communication with the outside world, and the feeling of unrest and excitement naturally incident to the surroundings, make it an easy matter to originate these sensational reports.
By a vote of the executive council the salary of the President has been fixed at $12,000 per annum. This action must, however, be ratified by the advisory council. Under the act, a printed copy of which I inclose, the office of minister of foreign affairs is separated from that of the office of president. Hon. F. M. Hatch, late Vice-President, will, it is understood, be chosen minister of foreign affairs, becoming thereby also a member of the executive council. In this connection may be mentioned the published report that Mr. Dole, in his retirement from the foreign office, will devote himself to the work of preparing a new constitution.
At a mass meeting held last night, Mr. D. B. Smith, a merchant of this city, was nominated to fill the vacancy in the advisory council created by the resignation of Mr. Hatch. This nomination is subject to the approval of the councils.
A spirited contest is now in progress, looking to the introduction of the “representative system” into the councils of the Provisional Government. In this direction a resolution was passed by the meeting last night, favoring the enactment of a law “increasing the membership of the advisory council from 14 to 24,” the new members to “be selected by the suffrages of loyal citizens in a manner to be hereafter provided.”
The reasons set forth in the resolutions for such legislation are (1) “The advisory council as at present constituted is not representative of either the varied interests of the islands or the mass of the supporters of the Provisional Government and the policy of annexation of Hawaii to the United States;” (2) “The legislative department of the Government is dangerously compact as well as too small for its constituency;” (3) “The composition of the advisory council has been made objectionable by the action of retiring members in practically selecting their own successors;” (4) “The personnel of the advisory council has been considerably changed since it came into existence;” and (5) “In making changes the mass of the supporters of the Provisional Government have had no voice.”
The above resolution and preamble looking to the enlargement of the council, according to the report of the newspaper favoring it, “was adopted with less than a dozen negative votes.”
I send you herewith the reports and editorial comments of the two newspapers which agree upon the question of annexation, but differ as to the propriety and necessity of the proposed changes.
[Page 1229]The Chinese question has given rise to considerable discussion in the press and in the councils. The meeting of the Chinese, heretofore referred to, as one of their representatives informed me, is for the purpose of expressing their views upon the new legislation now pending.
With sentiments of high esteem, I am, sir, your obedient servant,
[Inclosure 1 in No. 36.]
by authority.
Act 63.—AN ACT relating to the office of minister of foreign affairs.
Be it enacted by the Executive and Advisory Councils of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands:
Section 1. The office of minister of foreign affairs is hereby separated from that of the office of President.
Hereafter the department of foreign affairs shall be presided over by an officer called the minister of foreign affairs who shall be chosen by the executive and advisory councils of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
The minister of foreign affairs so chosen shall be a member of the executive council of the Government.
Sec. 2. This act shall take effect from the date of its publication.
- Sanford B. Dole,
President of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands. - J. A. King,
Minister of the Interior.
[Advertiser report of mass meeting, February 13, 1894.]
d. b. smith is again nominated—the american league takes possession of the annexation club—the club is easily pulled along by the nose—the tail wags the dog and all goes as merry as a marriage bell—no one else is allowed in nomination except the league’s candidate.
D. B. Smith, the chosen candidate of the American League for the vacancy in the councils, was railroaded through the Annexation Club meeting last evening in very quick order. The American League was out in force, and would not allow anyone except their own members to have a word to say on any subject.
The crowd was very orderly until the meeting opened. The league was present almost in toto, and they formed a solid circle around the chairman’s table. As soon as the meeting opened, Mr. W. H. Hoogs placed in nomination Mr. F. W. McChesney as a candidate. This was seconded by four or five voices. T. B. Murray, the president of the league, took possession of the floor and read the following resolution:
“Whereas the American League of this city is a respectable and representative body composed of several hundred men pledged to support the Provisional Government and the policy of annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States; and
“Whereas the American League is without a spokesman or representative in the councils of this Government; and
“Whereas it is just and proper that such a section of the loyal citizenship should have a voice in the conduct of the Provisional Government; and
“Whereas it has been generally conceded and so stated by at least one cabinet minister that the American League should designate the successor to Mr. F. M. Hatch, who is about to retire from the advisory council; and
“Whereas the American League has named Mr. D. B. Smith for this place: Therefore, be it
Resolved, That this mass meeting hereby indorses Mr. D. B. Smith for the advisory council, and shall, through its secretary and president, so inform the executive and advisory councils.”
Great applause followed this resolution, every league man in the hall shouting vociferously. As soon as he could, T. B. Severin moved that nominations close. He was promptly ruled out of order by the chairman.
[Page 1230]Mr. Hatch then announced that Mr. McChesney had been placed in nomination, and asked the pleasure of the meeting in regard to his name. Those in favor of his candidacy were asked to raise their hands. Not many were raised. When the adverse opinion was called for, the league, as if moved by a single lever worked by an invisible engine, lifted their hands and voices at the same time. Mr. Hatch then declared that Mr. McChesney was not nominated.
T. B. Severin then placed in nomination D. B. Smith. His name was received with prolonged cheers, and was seconded by the whole league. Three howls were called for on the nomination, the clockwork was again put in motion and the league, as one man, signified its approval of Mr. Smith. J. B. Atherton then moved that the nominations be closed, which was carried, and D. B. Smith had been sent through the meeting like water through a tin horn.
After a loud cry of “three cheers for Smith,” the latter was called on for a speech. He made the following:
“Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: As this is my first experience on the platform in the capacity of a speaker, you will not expect a speech from me of any length. I want to say this: I am heart and soul in favor of annexation to the United States, our mother country, where our prosperity, progress, and civilization come from, and I will and have always done everything in my power to further it since the 14th of January last. ‘We have not got it, but we will, just as certain as the sun rises and sets.’ These words are not mine, but were spoken to me by the grandest American statesman that ever put foot on these coral sands—Minister John L. Stevens—and I heartily indorse his words. That is as far as I got. I fully appreciate the honor you have done me in signifying the wish to have me represent you in the council.”
T. B. Murray then moved that his resolution be adopted as the sense of the meeting. Again the machinery worked and the pendulum-like hands rose and fell.
James Nott, jr., then read the following resolution:
“Whereas the advisory council, as at present constituted, is not representative of either the varied interests of the islands or the mass of the supporters of the Provisional Government, and the policy of annexation of Hawaii to the United States; and
“Whereas the legislative department of the Government is dangerously compact, as well as too small for its constituency; and
“Whereas the composition of the advisory council has been made objectionable by the action of retiring members in practically selecting their own successors; and
“Whereas the personnel of the advisory council has been considerably changed since the body came into existence; and
“Whereas in making changes the mass of the supporters of the Provisional Government have had no voice: Therefore be it
“Resolved, That this mass meeting of annexationists and supporters of the Provisional Government hereby petitions the councils to enact a law increasing the membership of the advisory council from 14 to 24.
“Resolved, That the 10 men to fill the new places be selected by the suffrages of loyal citizens in a manner to be hereafter provided.
“Resolved, That the councils are hereby petitioned to elect to membership the 10 men to be chosen by loyal citizens.
“Resolved, That copies of these resolutions be transmitted to the executive and advisory councils.”
The chairman said that this resolution was not included in the business for which the meeting had been called.
Mr. T. F. Lansing protested, as a member of the Annexation Club, against allowing such a resolution, which was totally out of order, being adopted, and also said he wished to remonstrate against the American League faking possession of the meeting as they had done. He was interrupted by the league and the machinery, as with one voice, drowned his remarks. Some one in the crowd recommended appealing from the chair’s ruling. When Mr. Hatch called for hands the clock struck again and up went all hands, overruling Mr. Hatch’s decision, and cheers were again given. Mr. Hoogs demanded a roll call, and was promptly squelched by the machinery, and after it had run down the chair announced that its decision was overruled. The resolution was then adopted by another turn of the wheels.
Speeches were then called for, and Mr. Hatch responded. He said, in part:
“There is one good sign of the times, and that is that the Annexation Club can call a meeting and have it largely attended. There are always enough who turnout to show that the annexation movement is the strong movement and will be carried on to victory. [Applause and cheers.] Our friends on the other side are very fond of spreading the report that there is dissention in our party [cries of No, No]; and I am glad to have an opportunity to say a few words on the subject. There is no split. We are all working with one object, and that is to keep good government here until annexation is an established fact. This is not a one-man government. [Page 1231] Every man has a right to express his views on any question. In closing I want to congratulate you on the neatness and dispatch with which you have carried your point.”
Mr. W. Gr. Smith was then called upon. He said:
“This is an occasion of rejoicing, that we have met in so orderly a manner. We have secured the boon that we have a long time been waiting for. I mean representative government. I presume that the councils will be responsive to the sense of this meeting. It is an open meeting of the Annexation Club, and I resent the imputation that it has been attempted to confine this meeting to the representatives of any one league. There have been many objections to the enlargement of the councils, the principal one being that the time was not opportune. This is the great cry of the conservatives. It was the same in 1887, when it was proposed to dethrone Kalakaua, when we had an American President in Washington, who was favorable to annexation. Instead of this they did not think that the ‘time was opportune, and they waited until 1893, when they had to put up with Cleveland, Gresham, and Blount. I plead for the radical course in a revolutionary movement. As Bismarck said, ‘Some eggs must be broken to make an omelette,’ and I advocate breaking all the royalist eggs that we can find. As I said, I have heard many times that it was not advisable to increase the size of the advisory council. This is the conservative idea. At the last day, when the heavens split and the earth quakes, some Honolulu conservative will lift up his head and cry in a weak voice: ‘Don’t toot now, Gabriel; it isn’t opportune.’ I hope it will be impressed on all our friends who dissent from us that in this country and this era the radical movement must and shall and will have its way.” [Cheers and applause.]
The meeting then adjourned.
The drill shed was not vacated for some time. D. B. Smith was congratulated by all his friends. Many stood around and talked over the result of the meeting, and then went down town and talked it over again.
[Advertiser editorial comments.]
Mr. Hatch made a very happy speech at the close of the meeting last night. He drew attention to the fact that annexation was the live movement in this country, and that the alleged dissensions between the different wings of the Annexation party only ruffle the surface, without going to the essence. There could be no more striking proof of the fundamental unanimity which exists in the Annexation party to-day than the good nature which prevailed at last night’s meeting, and the enthusiasm which expressed itself upon every mention of the common cause.
they will consider it.
The programme for an election to be held by the Annexation Club this week has fallen through. This is owing to the fact that last night’s mass meeting forgot that it was summoned simply as a preliminary nominating convention, and proceeded to fix upon a single candidate. This course was due apparently to an error of Mr. Hatch.
Of course a nomination made in this way can not be regarded as though it were the result of a regular election. It would be absurd to expect anything of the sort. Mr. D. B. Smith will go before the councils in connection with other nominations as the candidate of the American League, and as such will receive consideration.
the hand of esau.
The mass meetings of the Annexation Club have generally been rather serious affairs; last night’s, however, afforded for once a humorous diversion.
The Star claims that the American League is not a secret organization. Last night certainly it was not. It marched up in a body, took possession of the meeting, issued a declaration of its own rights, and, in the name of the Annexation Club, loudly chanted its own praises. Everything was done, as Mr. Hatch observed, with “neatness and dispatch” and with great good humor.
The action thus taken is, of course, simply the action of the American League. The course taken was laid out in advance by that body; the resolutions passed were drafted and adopted in its meeting of the night before. Everything was cut and dried, and the work was done by men who were acting, not in the interest of the Annexation Club, but in that of an altogether different organization. The forms were observed, and that was all, The voice was the voice of Jacob, but the hand was the band of Esau.
[Page 1232]is it secret or not?
Last night’s Star devotes a column of its valuable space to what is apparently an attempt to prove that the American League is not a secret organization. At the same time it argues that secrecy is all right, because there was a secret league here in 1887.
This double defense reminds one of the Irishman who exonerated himself from a charge of breaking his neighbor’s wheelbarrow as follows: 1. I never borrowed your wheelbarrow. 2. It was broken when I borrowed it. 3. It was whole when I returned it.
If it is true that the American League is not a secret organization then all objections to it on this score fall to the ground. But if it is not secret, let it publish the list of its members and admit reporters to its deliberations.
The comparison instituted by the Star between the American League and the League of 1887 is a rather unlucky one. The League of 1887 was secret because its aims were revolutionary. Those of the American League, on the other hand, are peaceful and lawful. The first league was organized to overthrow the Government; the second to support it. Secrecy was as appropriate in the one case as openness would be in the other.
what is the pledge?
The Advertiser is informed that before D. B. Smith became the American League’s candidate, he was required to take a “cast-iron” pledge of some kind, and that one reason the other candidates withdrew was because they declined to bind themselves in any such manner. We will not venture any remarks as to the precise character of this pledge, since, in spite of correction from a very high quarter, we are still of opinion that the proceedings of the American League are secret. We can not, therefore, pretend to know exactly what this oath may have been.
What was the pledge? That public will want to know. They have a right to know. The councils too, may be desirous of satisfying a natural curiosity on this question before they proceed to hold their election. The “representative principle,” that is, the principle that secret leagues shall be represented, is perhaps not yet so firmly established as to exclude the lawful Government of the country from asserting their right to a voice in its affairs.
What is the pledge?
d. b. smith the winner.—league choice ratified by the mass meeting.—great gathering at the drill shed.—voted for an enlarged council.—speeches made.—d. b. smith first, the rest nowhere.
That is the result, so far as the electors are concerned, of the contest for the seat in the advisory council that is to become vacant, owing to the promotion of Mr. F. M. Hatch to the foreign portfolio. The voice of the people was heard again in the historic drill shed last night. The people went on record in the regulation American manner. They resented the attempt at clique domination, and in clear tones declared for rule by the masses.
The Annexationists were out early for the expected fray. The programme was for a nominating convention as preliminary to an election projected to be held during the week. By the action of the mass meeting of the Annexation Club the necessity for an election is removed entirely. There was only one nominee. The name of F. W. McChesney was proposed, but a very large majority voted down the motion to place him in nomination.
There was a most enthusiastic indorsement by the meeting of the proposal to enlarge the advisory council by electing 10 more members.
A little conservative combination attempted to control the meeting, but were simply “snowed under.” Members of the American League who were also members of the Annexation Club, took an active part in the proceedings, working like beavers for their candidate, Mr. D. B. Smith, and for the larger council.
President Hatch was in the chair and Secretary Jones kept account of the proceedings. It was about 7:45 when the meeting was rapped to order. The call was read. The remark that nominations were in order was not entirely out of the President’s mouth when W. H. Hoogs, who was but a couple of feet from the desk, shouted: “I nominate F. W. McChesney.” T. B. Murray then offered resolutions indorsing the American League candidate. Mr. Hatch stated the motion before the meeting as: “Shall Mr. McChesney be placed in nomination?” It was voted that Mr. McChesney [Page 1233] should not be placed in nomination. The negative majority was very large. D. B. Smith was placed in nomination by T. B. Severin. This was received with great cheers, then with three more. The nominations were then closed on motion of J. B. Atherton. Mr. Murray then called for his resolution, which reads as follows:
“Whereas the American League, of this city, is a respectable and representative body composed of several hundred men pledged to support the Provisional Government and the policy of annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States, and
“Whereas the American League is without a spokesman or representative in the councils of this Government, and
“Whereas it is just and proper that such a section of the loyal citizenship should have a voice in the conduct of the Provisional Government, and
“Whereas it has been generally conceded and so stated by at least one cabinet minister that the American League should designate the successor to Mr. F. M. Hatch, who is about to retire from the advisory council, and
“Whereas the American League has named D. B. Smith for the place, therefore be it
“Resolved, That this mass meeting hereby endorses D. B. Smith for the advisory council, and shall, through the secretary and president, so inform the executive and advisory councils.”
This resolution was adopted almost unanimously.
There were calls for D. B. Smith. Mounting the table, he said:
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: As this is my first experience on the platform in the capacity of a speaker, you will not expect a speech from me of any length. I want to say this: I am, heart and soul, in favor of annexation to the United States, our mother country, where our prosperity, progress, and civilization come from, and I will, and have, always done everything in my power to further it since the 14th of January last. That was before the revolution. “We have not got it, but we will, just as certain as the sun rises and sets.” These words are not mine, but were spoken to me by the grandest American statesman that ever put foot on these coral sands, Minister John L. Stevens, and I heartily indorse his words. That is as far as I got. I fully appreciate the honor you have done me in signifying the wish to have me represent you in the council, and when I learn that my services there are not satisfactory I will step down and out.
These resolutions were offered by James Nott, jr.:
“Whereas the advisory council as at present constituted is not representative of either the varied interests of the islands or the mass of the supporters of the Provisional Government and the policy of annexation of Hawaii to the United States; and
“Whereas the legislative department of the Government is dangerously compact, as well as too small for its constituency, and
“Whereas the composition of the advisory council has been made objectionable by the action of retiring members, in practically selecting their own successors; and
“Whereas the personnel of the advisory council has been considerably changed since it came into existence; and
“Whereas in making changes the mass of the supporters of the Provisional Government have had no voice: Therefore be it
“Resolved, That this mass meeting of annexationists and supporters of the Provisional Government hereby petition the councils to enact a law increasing the membership of the advisory council from 14 to 24.
“Resolved, That the ten men to fill the new places be selected by the suffrages of loyal citizens in a manner to be hereafter provided.
“Resolved, That the councils are hereby petitioned to elect to membership the ten men to be chosen by loyal citizens.
“Resolved, That copies of these resolutions be transmitted to the executive and advisory councils.”
Cheering for the resolutions was loud and Long.
President Hatch, referring to the call for the meeting, ruled the resolutions out of order. W. G. Smith appealed from the decision of the chair, and the chair was overruled. T. F. Lansing said he protested against the manner in which the meeting was being conducted. W. H. Hoogs demanded a roll call. The meeting went on with business and the resolution to enlarge the council was adopted with less than a dozen negative votes.
The president suggested that adjournment may be in order, as no other business was brought forward. Mr. Hatch was called upon to speak. His popularity was evidenced oy his cordial reception. He said:
“There is one good sign of the times, gentlemen; the Annexation Club never calls a meeting which is not well attended. [Applause.] There are always enough of the members of this club who turn out on every opportunity which is given them [Page 1234] to strike right home on this question, that this movement is fee live movement, and it is the movement which will be carried through by the people of this community. [Applause.] Now our friends on the other side are fond of spreading reports both here and abroad, very largely abroad, that we are split up by dissensions in our ranks. [Cries of ‘No!’ ‘No!’ ‘No!’]
“Gentlemen, nothing of that kind exists and this is a very good opportunity to brand all statements of that kind which have been so industriously spread broadcast by certain people in this community, in order to discredit the standing of this party and this movement abroad, that the fact is not so, and I am glad to have this opportunity to express my ideas upon that point. Gentlemen, we are all working for a common object, there is no split or division between us, and that one object is the maintenance of a good stable government here until we obtain annexation to the United States. [Applause.] I think there will be no difficulty in carrying out that programme. This is not the government of one man or one individual; every man in this community has a right to express his views and will be heard. I congratulate you, gentlemen, on the neatness and dispatch with which the business of the evening has been carried. [Laughter and applause.]”
Walter G. Smith was called upon. He said:
“Fellow-Citizens: It is certainly an occasion of rejoicing that we have met here in so orderly a manner, and, as Mr. Hatch has so aptly said, have conducted our deliberations with neatness and dispatch. I think we have secured the one boon which we have been waiting for and working for so long a time, and that is the introduction of the representative system into the councils of the Provisional Government. [Applause.] I assume that the councils will be responsive to the wish of this majority. This has been an open meeting, not called by the American League, but called by the Annexation Club, to which all annexationists are welcome, and I resent the imputation that there has been anything done to keep annexationists away, or to confine these proceedings within the limits of a single league. This has been a thoroughly and fairly and completely representative meeting, and I believe that its wishes will be respected by every man in the councils.
“There have been some objections raised from time to time to this enlargement of the councils. We have all heard them. We have heard, for instance, that the time is not opportune. That is a very favorite expression of the conservative element. You heard in 1887 that the time was not opportune to dethrone Kalakaua and declare a republic, in spite of the fact that you soon after had an American President and Secretary of State in favor of annexation. Our conservative friends thought it opportune to drop that great cause then and thus leave annexation to the tender mercies of Cleveland, Gresham, and Blount.
“We heard again from a great many that it was not opportune to have the revolution of 1893. But, gentlemen, not all the conservatives thought that. I credit them with it, but all the radicals thought that it was opportune and the revolution you had. We heard later on that it was not opportune to take off the name of the ex-Queen from the salary list and to deprive her of her guard, but our conservative friends were outvoted again, and the heavens didn’t fall and the earth didn’t quake. [Laughter and applause]. The radicals had their way, and what was done was properly done, and no harm has come to us since.
“I am pleading now, gentlemen, for the radical course in a revolutionary era. I never heard of any other course succeeding at such a time. As Bismarck says, when an omelet has to be made some eggs must be broken, and we propose to break every royalist and anti-American egg we find. (Applause.) We have continually heard that this, that, and the other thing was not opportune, and all day long up to the time this meeting came together I have heard it was not opportune to increase the advisory council to twenty-four, and I have sometimes thought, hearing that word used so often in the last few months, that, to paraphrase a great American orator, on that last dread day when the heavens roll up like a scroll and the angel of resurrection with one foot on the sea and another foot on the land shall raise that tremendous trumpet to his lips there will be the spirit of some Honolulu conservative to cry up out of the dust, “Don’t toot now, Gabriel. Don’t toot yet. It is not opportune.” (Great laughter and applause.)
“I tell you, gentlemen, it is opportune to do the right thing and the decisive thing always in a revolutionary era, and I believe that is the thing we have done to-night. The conservatism that stands in the way of political progress I am sure must go. The conservative of that disposition is like the conservative horse that won’t budge out of his burning stable and could not be led out of it, because he has always been there and it was not opportune to go at that time.
“I have nothing more to say except I hope it will be impressed upon all our friends who dissent from some of our views that in this country, under these conditions, in this era, the radical, which is the progressive and decisive element, will and must and should have its way. I thank you, gentlemen.” [Great applause and three cheers for the speaker.]
[Page 1235]The meeting lasted less than an hour. Quite a crowd remained in the drill shed for some time. There were knots of men on the streets till quite late. D. B. Smith, as the successful candidate, is still receiving congratulations to-day.
[From the Star, February 14, 1894.—Editorial comments on meeting.]
the act of annexationists.
Under the headline, “The American League takes possession of the Annexation Club,” the Advertiser implies that the action of the mass meeting last night was that of a foreign body invading the unprotected camp of the legitimate party garrison. A poor excuse for the defeat of the conservative group is probably better than none, hence we can not blame the morning paper for saying what it has; but when the public comes to understand that all but about 5 per cent of the members of the American League present are members of the Annexation Club; that the gentleman who presided at the meeting is president of the club; that the gentleman who presented the resolution indorsing Mr. Smith and the one who spoke for the enlargement of the advisory council are both members of the governing body of the Annexation Club; and that there were nearly as many radicals at the turnout who do not belong to the American League as there were of those who do, it will be seen how far short the Advertiser has come of summing up the actual meaning and describing the real personnel of the great rally.
What was seen last night was not the machination of a secret league, but the outpouring of the radical majority in the Annexation party—of the men who believe that the time has come to change the old order. The reason why the sentiment was so strong in one direction is because the sentiment of four-fifths of the Annexation party is that way—the party which has, in turn, made the revolution in spite of conservative objections, which cut the ex-Queen from the Provisional salary list, which has enforced royalist removals, and which challenged Cleveland last December to match the prowess of his troops with those of the Provisional Government. It was this element which proclaimed its numbers and principles last night, and if it controlled the situation it was not by machine trickery, but by the power of a clear majority of the loyal supporters of the present régime.
It does not become the Advertiser to accuse the American League of machine methods, particularly since its bland acquiescence in the results of the packed conservative meeting in the Fishel block a few days ago. Then the action of a hundred gentlemen in the name of the Annexation party, and by means of a prearranged programme, was cordially indorsed. It is only when a successful appeal is made from that small junta to the wider discretion of the party as a whole that the Advertiser raises the whites of its eyes and the palms of its hands over a wicked “prearrangement”—a deadly assault upon the liberty of club action.
We therefore say: Publish the names of the secret league.—(Holomua).
“If it is true that the American League is not a secret organization then all objections to it on this score fall to the ground. But if it is not secret let it publish the list of its members and admit reporters to its deliberations.”—(Advertiser.)
Why publish the list any more than that of the Annexation Club, which, if we remember aright, was kept away from Mr. Blount and Mr. Nordhoff, who wanted copies of it? When it becomes the usage to hand over the muster roll of any organization, either military or civil, to the enemy then the league will probably accede to the wishes of the Holomua and the Advertiser in that respect. Until then our eager contemporaries should gird their souls with patience.
Mr. Smith will go before the councils as the nominee of both the American League and the Annexation Club. He has behind him the annexation majority on this island. The credentials he will carry are as good as those of any official in the executive building, high or low. He can not be rejected without a serious affront to the representative principle and to party unity.
as to the ballot.
“The Star does not believe that anybody outside of the Annexationists should ever be allowed to vote or to have a voice in the affairs of the country. We presume that the Star would find it perfectly legitimate if the Democratic party should refuse to grant the Republicans a vote because the Republicans are not in favor of the Democratic government.”—(Holomua.)
Well, when the Republicans had the Southern and anti-Union wing of the Democracy to deal with alter 1865, they forbade it a vote until after it had taken the ironclad oath and become thoroughly reconstructed. Men who refused to accept the new order of things, as did Jeff Davis, Robert Toombs, and a few hundred others, were thenceforth men without a country and were denied all electoral participation [Page 1236] in the concerns of the American nation or of the town, comity, and State in which they lived. It is the rule also in the United States, subject to some local modification in the Indian Territory, that aborigines shall not vote. It is not necessary to be so severe in the latter regard towards the aboriginal race of Hawaii, but as to disloyal citizens of any kind, men who would overthrow the Government by force if they could and establish a monarchy in its place, it would be absurd and un-American to give them equal voice with loyal people in the voting booths.
Before the adherents of Mrs. Dominis can vote in Hawaii for anything really decisive, there should be a long reconstruction period.
“The programme for an election to be held by the Annexation Club this week has fallen through. This is owing to the fact that last night’s mass meeting forgot that it was summoned simply as a preliminary nominating convention and proceeded to fix upon a single candidate. This course was due apparently to an error of Mr. Hatch.”—(Advertiser.)
If Mr. Hatch was in error in letting the Annexation Club, in mass meeting assembled, overrule the action of its own board of officers, then the oftener he makes such errors the better it will be for the party. No doubt the Advertiser would like to have had him hold that the club has no rights which its executive committee is bound to respect; but as the chief of that committee, and as a man of sense and fairness, Mr. Hatch knew better than to make any such ruling.
Mr. Damon was “present and voting” with the progressive element last night, a fact which speaks well for his political prescience and sagacity. Being a friend of the annexation of Hawaii to America, he has quickly seen the fitness of adopting those American ideas which have expressed themselves in the demand for a representative council. Under annexation those ideas must have full swing in Hawaii, and Mr. Damon sees no reason why we should not all get used to them now.
Mr. F. W. McChesney called at the Star office this morning and stated that the use of his name at the mass meeting last night as a candidate for the prospective council vacancy was unauthorized by him, and that he supports and will continue to support the candidacy of D. B. Smith.
If the Cocoanut Club has any more resolutions on hand it had better feed them to the office cat.
“The old order changeth.”
[From the Advertiser, February 13, 1894.]
the cocoanut club.
It demands representation in the advisory council.
The following resolutions were adopted at an adjourned meeting of the Cocoanut Club, held at Waikiki on Saturday, the 9th instant:
“Resolved, That the cocoanut industry of these islands has great value, and should receive recognition from the Provisional Government.
“Resolved, That this club, in order to secure political preference, shall hereafter be conducted as a secret club, and be known as the ‘Cocoanut League.’
“Resolved, That this club is entitled to representation in the advisory council, and that that council will prove recreant to its high trust if it refuses to grant it.
“Resolved, That the Cocoanut League protests against the existence of any other league.
“Resolved, That this league knows where the milk in the cocoanut is to be found.”
the plot thickens.
We publish this morning a set of resolutions by which it appears that the Cocoa-nut Club demands representation in the councils.
And who, pray, is the Cocoanut Club? What is it composed of, and what is it for? We never saw a list of its members nor read an account of its transactions. According to its own statement it knows where the milk in the cocoanut is to be found, and it does not take a very shrewd guesser to opine that about all the society was ever organized for was to extract the milk.
It is about time that this impertinent folly should cease. The Cocoanut Club, indeed! The next thing we shall have a series of resolutions and demands from the Roast Pig Hui.
another club heard from.—the sisters, cousins, and aunts society pass resolutions.
Editor Star: At a regular back-office meeting of the Sisters, Cousins, and Aunts Society the following preamble and resolutions were unanimously passed, a full representation of the office-holders belonging to the society being present and voting:
“Whereas the control of the Provisional Government and the selection of its legislative [Page 1237] members having been heretofore left to the Sisters, Cousins, and Aunts Society; and
“Whereas the members of that society are engaged in the same line of business and therefore know what the country needs; and
“Whereas government by a secret back-office caucus of this society has resulted in great benefits to the sisters, cousins, and aunts and therefore to Hawaii; and
“Whereas if there is going to be a permanent form of government we, of that compact, are able to build it without help from those who call themselves the masses, but are really the masses: Therefore be it
“Resolved, That we view with alarm and disfavor the attempt of anybody not related to us or in our line of business to become a member of the advisory council.
“Resolved, That we attend the mass meeting of the Annexation Party and elect a sister, a cousin, or an aunt, if we have to bust a trace.”
The Cocoanut Club and the Schuetzen-Verein were not alone in the business meeting last night. The Sisters, Cousins, and Aunts Society also held a meeting and passed appropriate resolutions. These appear elsewhere.—(From the Star, February 13.)