No. 61.
Interview of F. Wundenberg.

Q. What were the reasons which caused the Queen to desire a new constitution?

A. Her native Hawaiian subjects urged the measure. A great number of petitions, numerously signed, from all parts of the Kingdom were presented to her praying for a new Constitution, and delegations of her people waited on her, all clamoring for the restoration of the rights enjoyed and exercised by the native rulers and people under the Constitution of 1864.

Q. What objection had the native Hawaiians to the constitution of 1887?

A. The natives looked upon the Constitution of 1887 as having been illegally forced upon the nation, as it was not submitted to the vote of either the people or the Legislative Assembly. They felt that it was an outrage and denounced it as “the bayonet Constitution.” The “Hui-Kalaiaina” (National Party) was a native organization started shortly after the revolution of 1887, having branches in the remotest parts of the Kingdom. The avowed object of the party was to oppose the Constitution of 1887, and its supporters and candidates for Legislative honors were required to pledge themselves to work for a new Constitution.

Q. Was any action taken in the Legislature relative to a new Constitution?

A. Several native members presented resolutions in the Assembly having for their object the election of a Constitutional Convention. These resolutions were either ruled out on technicalities or voted down through the influence of the people now in power. Consequently very strong and bitter speeches were made by several native leaders such as Bush, Wilcox, Kaunamano, White, and others, which convinced the Queen that a crisis had arisen which left her no choice but to give heed to the unmistakable wish of her native subjects, or throw herself wholly into the hands of those who had promulgated the Constitution of 1887, and abandon forever her native subjects to their fate.

The murmurs against the Queen were growing louder from day to day, showing a gradual alienation of the natives from their Sovereign on account of her inaction.

Q. Did the natives thinkthe Queen had the right to promulgate a new Constitution at her own will?

A. They most certainly did. They would have been satisfied, in fact would have preferred, that the whole matter should have been handled by a Constitutional Convention; but they could not see why a Constitution proclaimed by their Sovereign would not be fully as legal and [Page 1042] binding (if not more so) as a Constitution proclaimed by a self-constituted committee and maintained by bayonets against the will of both the Sovereign and people.

The committee of safety met at the office of W. O. Smith, in Fort street, Honolulu, at about 4 o’clock in the afternoon of Monday, the 16th day of January, 1893, for the purpose of discussing the necessary steps to be taken in forming a new government.

Shortly after the committee met, it was decided that they were not ready for the landing of the American troops, and a committee of three, with Thurston as the chairman, was immediately dispatched to the American legation to prevail upon Mr. Stevens to delay the landing of the Boston’s men. The committee returned shortly, and reported that Mr. Stevens had said to them: “Gentlemen, the troops of the Boston land this afternoon at 5 o’clock, whether you are ready or not.” The foregoing report of Mr. Stevens’ reply to the committee is as nearly literal as can be remembered, and gives a correct idea of the meaning conveyed. The committee of safety adjourned to meet the same evening at 7:30 o’clock, at the house of Henry Waterhouse, in Nuuanu valley. The American troops landed at 5 o’clock, as Mr. Stevens had told the committee they would, and marched up Fort street to Merchant, and along Merchant street, halting in King street, between the Palace and Government buildings.

At the time the men landed the town was perfectly quiet, business hours were about over and the people, men, women, and children were in the streets, and nothing unusual was to be seen except the landing of a formidable armed force with Gatling guns, evidently fully prepared to remain on shore for an indefinite length of time, as the men were supplied with double cartridge belts filled with ammunition, also haversacks and canteens and were attended by an hospital corps with stretchers and medical supplies. The curiosity of the people on the streets was aroused and the youngsters more particularly, followed up the troops to see what it was all about. Nobody seemed to know, so when the troops found quarters the populace dispersed, the most of them going to the band concert at the hotel, which was fully attended as it was a beautiful moonlight evening, all who were not in the secret still wondering at the military demonstration.

The committee met at Mr. Waterhouse’s residence, according to adjournment, at 7:30 o’clock p.m. of the same day, January 16. The formation of some sort of government was under discussion and it was decided that a commander in chief of the forces supporting the proposed new government should be appointed. The position was offered to Mr. John H. Soper, who demurred, as he did not see any backing whatever to support the movement. Mr. Soper was answered by members of the committee that the American minister would support the move with the troops of the Boston. Mr. Soper still doubted, so a couple of the committee escorted him over to the legation, which, by the way, was in the adjoining premises, and the three came back after a time, reporting that Mr. Stevens had given them the full assurance that any proclamation of the Government put forward at the Government building, or any other building in Honolulu for that matter, would receive his immediate recognition and the support of the Boston’s men. This assurance seemed to satisfy Mr. Soper, and he accepted the position.

On Tuesday afternoon, January 17, the committee of thirteen or Committee of Safety, proceeded from the office of W. O. Smith up Merchant street to the Government building and read the proclamation of a new [Page 1043] government at 2:40 o’clock, there being practically no audience whatever. As the reading proceeded, a dozen or so loungers gathered, and near the close of the ceremony about thirty supporters, variously armed, came running into the side and back entrances of the yard and gathered about the committee.

At this moment the United States troops, in the temporary quarters in rear of the Music Hall (less than 100 yards from where the committee stood), appeared to be underarms and were evidently ready for any emergency.

During all the deliberations of the committee, and, in fact, throughout the whole proceedings connected with plans for the move up to the final issue, the basis of action was the general understanding that Minister Stevens would keep his promise to support the movement with the men from the Boston, and the statement is now advisedly made (with a full knowledge of the lack of arms, ammunition, and men; also the utter absence of organization at all adequate to the undertaking) that without the previous assurance of support from the American minister, and the actual presence of the United States troops, no movement would have been attempted, and, if attempted, would have been a dismal failure, resulting in the capture or death of the participants in a very short time.

Having been present at the several meetings referred to in this statement, I hereby certify that the same is correct in every essential particular.

F. Wundenberg.

At about 8 o’clock in the evening of January 16, 1893, a meeting of some of the members of the Committee of Public Safety and a few others, was held at the residence of Henry Waterhouse. As my memory now serves me the following members of the committee were present, to wit: Henry Waterhouse, W. O. Smith, Andrew Brown, F. W. McChesney, C. Bolte, T. F. Lansing, J. A. McCandless, Charles L. Carter, John Emmeluth, and H. E. Cooper. There were also present James B. Castle, Cecil Brown, John H. Soper, J. H. Fisher, and F. Wundenberg, though not as members of the committee.

The discussion was general, no regular organization of those present being formed, the general drift of the conversation showing the object of the gathering to be the overthrow of the existing Hawaiian Government and the setting up in its place of a new one of some sort, not very clearly defined.

The choice of a leader was discussed and after a little conference it was decided to offer the same to S. B. Dole. Mr. Dole was accordingly sent for and invited to attend the meeting, to which he responded in person, and later when the offer of leadership was made to him he said he would take it into consideration and give an answer at noon of the next day.

The position of military commander was offered to Soper as previously described.

The general feeling of the members of the Committee of Safety, as repeatedly expressed by them during the meeting, was that Stevens would recognize any move they made in forming a new government and would support them with the U. S. S. Boston’s troops.

The Attorney-generalship was offered to Cecil Brown; he declined, and shortly after left the meeting.

Throughout the whole meeting the discussion was quite irregular, each one speaking and interrupting without order or method.

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The principal object of the meeting being the selection of a leader and a military commander, when these two matters were disposed of the parties separated informally.

F. Wundenberg.