No. 24.
Statement of Charles T.
Gulick.
AGENCY OF UNITED STATES MINISTER STEVENS AND CAPT. WILTSE, COMMANDING U. S. S. BOSTON, IN THE OVERTHROW OF THE HAWAIIAN GOVERNMENT, WHICH WAS EFFECTED JANUARY 17, 1893.
When Mr. Stevens presented his credentials to His Majesty, Kalakaua, as United States minister resident near the Hawaiian court, he gave the King a lecture on his duties as a sovereign, and at the same time hinted, in an ambiguous way, at the possibilities of the future. The subject matter of the address, and the manner of Mr. Stevens, were so offensive as to very nearly produce disagreeable consequences, as the King was on the point of abruptly terminating the interview and demanding the recall of Mr. Stevens. The unpleasant episode passed, however, without subsequent notice.
Col. G. W. Macfarlane and Dr. G. Trousseau will confirm the foregoing.
On the occasion of the Fourth of July celebration in 1891, Mr. Stevens delivered an oration at the music hall in which he took the opportunity to show his very thinly veiled contempt for the Sovereign and Government to which he was accredited. His sentiments were more distinctly emphasized in his speech on Memorial Day, 1892, leaving no room for doubt with regard to his real meaning. In October, 1892, the Daily Bulletin, a newspaper published in Honolulu, contained a criticism on Mr. Stevens’ tardiness in causing a search for a missing boat’s crew (supposed to be somewhere to windward of the island of Hawaii) belonging to an American vessel which had burned at sea.
Mr. Stevens called in a rage at the foreign office and in his interview with the minister of foreign affairs endeavered to fasten on the cabinet responsibility for the comments in the Bulletin and demanded, as he termed it, “full satisfaction.” His manner and language were in the highest degree undiplomatic and offensive, and he would accept no explanation. He immediately followed up the insult by demanding an audience with the Queen without the usual formality of the presence [Page 818] of the minister of foreign affairs. The audience was accorded, and, trembling with passion, he reiterated his demand for “satisfaction,” leaving it somewhat vague as to the form or kind of “satisfaction” he desired. The impression left by him in both interviews was that it was not so much “satisfaction” that he was after as it was an opportunity to pick a quarrel with, and embarrass, the cabinet who were then under fire in the legislative assembly.
Hon. Samuel Parker, Hon. Paul Neumann, and Maj. J. W. Robert son can give more fully the details of the foregoing.
Very shortly after Mr. Stevens’ arrival in the Kingdom he made it generally known that he considered annexation to the United States as not only the ultimate or “manifest” destiny of the little country, but that it would be just as well to hasten the event, and the American legation immediately became the rendezvous or headquarters of the annexation leaders, such as Hartwell, Judd (the chief justice), Thurston, Dole, Castle, Smith, and others, who frequently met there for the purpose of discussing plans for bringing about the desired end.
On one occasion M. d’Anglade, the then French commissioner, and M. Canavarro, the present Portuguese chargé d’affairs, were invited to dinner at the American legation, and much to their surprise found several of the above-named gentlemen present, and as the dinner proceeded were not a little annoyed to find that they had been invited for the express purpose of being sounded with regard to annexation.
Señhor Oanavarro and Dr. Trousseau, the latter being an intimate friend of M. d’ Anglade, the French commissioner (who is not now in the Kingdom), can throw light on the above if they will submit to an interview.
During August, 1892, the tension became so great in the Legislature that the cabinet was voted out, and a new one was appointed on the 12th day of September. A vote of “want of confidence” in the new cabinet was immediately introduced, and the speeches of Thurston, Smith, Ashford, and their associates on the motion showed that the meetings at the legation were beginning to bear fruit. Mr. Stevens was present during a part of the debate on the motion, also Capt. Wiltse, who just after one of Mr. Thurston’s speeches called at the interior office and took occasion to inform the then minister of the interior (C. T. Gulick) that he considered Mr. Thurston a “very able man,” and that his “views on the situation, and particularly those on the monarchy, were very sound.” It may be observed that Thurston had very plainly shown in his speech supporting the motion that he and his supporters would leave no stone unturned in order to destroy the monarchy and get the reins of power into their own hands.
As Thurston and his party were known to be annexationists, his expressions seemed to please Capt. Wiltse very much. About this time (September, 1892) it was a matter frequently spoken of that any move for the overthrow of the Government would receive the official recognition of Mr. Stevens and the material aid of Capt. Wiltse. Annexation was so freely discussed in public that T. T. Williams, of the San Francisco Examiner, polled the Legislature on the subject, and when they found that their views were likely to be published they denounced annexation to a man.
The meetings at the legation continued, and Stevens and Wiltse (the latter more particularly) called frequently at Hartwell’s office during the day. Wiltse told people that he kept himself thoroughly posted with regard to affairs, as he “was constantly in communication [Page 819] with Hartwell, who was the best informed man in the Kingdom on the situation.”
The Boston’s troops were landed at about 5 o’clock p.m. on Monday, the 16th day of January, A. D. 1893, and were quartered at Arion Hall, a position which practically commanded the Government building and the palace. The Hawaiian Government protested against their presence. The foreign diplomatic representatives called at the legation and entered their protest against the procedure as being wholly unnecessary. The town was perfectly quiet. Mr. Stevens’s excuse was that the troops were ashore for the purpose of protecting the lives and property of Americans. They were quartered, however, on property belonging to an Englishman (at that time occupied by an Englishman and the Japanese inspector of immigrants under leases), and was surrounded by property belonging to the Hawaiian Government and native Hawaiians.
During the forenoon of Tuesday, the 17th day of January, 1893, it was freely remarked and frequently repeated on the streets that a move for deposing the Queen and overturning the Government would be made during the day, and that “it was all right, as Stevens had promised to support the movement.”
Thirteen men, calling themselves a committee of public safety (all foreigners and some of brief residence in the country), proceeded from the office of W. O. Smith up Merchant street to the front of the Government building, and Cooper, the leader, at about 2:40 o’clock p.m., read a proclamation deposing the Queen and establishing a “Provisional Government.” Just before the arrival of the committee at the building, Charles L. Carter rode up hastily on horseback to Arion Hall and delivered a letter to Capt. Wiltse, who was himself in charge of the American troops. Wiltse was seen to tear open the envelope and read the letter, nodding his satisfaction to Carter, who then withdrew. As the committee turned the corner of the Music Hall on their road up, Mr. Cooper hastened forward to Arion Hall and delivered a letter to an officer (who apparently stood in readiness to receive it) and rejoined the committee.
At this time, i. e., before the proclamation was read, the American troops were under arms, strong picked guards were posted at the corner of the Music Hall on King street and at other points around their quarters; the Gatling guns were placed in commanding positions and the crews were to attention or handy by.
The position of the American troops and their attitude, also the delivery of the letters above mentioned, can be verified by several different people, each one seeing different parts of the procedure. Dr. G. Trousseau, T. A. Lloyd, H. F. Poor, Norie, Pond, de Voll, and others were eyewitnesses of the matter above referred to.
By half past 3 o’clock it was generally reported on the streets that Stevens had recognized the Provisional Government and had assured the Queen’s cabinet that he would support their action with the troops of the Boston.
The police department in charge of the marshal of the Kingdom was surrendered at dusk—lamps were lighted indoors, but there was still daylight on the streets; it was probably about 7 o’clock in the evening, i. e., some three and a half to four hours after Stevens’s action was generally known to the public. The barracks were not surrendered till near night of the following day.