Articles of agreement made and concluded at Oahu, between Thomas ap
Catesby Jones, appointed by the United States, of the one part, and
Kauikeaouli, King of the Sandwich Islands and his guardians, on the
other part.
sandwich islands and china.
[Honse Ex. 35, Twenty-seventh Congress, third
session.]
Message from the President of the
United States, respecting the trade and commerce of the United
States with the Sandwich Islands and with diplomatic intercourse
with their Government; also in relation to the new position of
affairs in China, growing out of the late war between Great
Britain and China, and recommending provision for a diplomatic
agent.
December 31, 1842.—Referred
to the Committee on Foreign Affairs.
To the House of Representatives of
the United States:
I communicate herewith to Congress copies of a correspondence which
has recently taken place between certain agents of the Government of
the Hawaiian or Sandwich Islands and the Secretary of State.
The condition of those islands has excited a good deal of interest,
which is increasing by every successive proof that their inhabitants
are making progress in civilization, and becoming more and more
competent to maintain regular and orderly civil government. They lie
in the Pacific Ocean, much nearer to this continent than the other,
and have become an important place for the refitment and
provisioning of American and European vessels.
Owing to their locality and to the course of the winds which prevail
in this quarter of the world, the Sandwich Islands are the stopping
place for almost all vessels passing from continent to continent,
across the Pacific Ocean. They are especially resorted to by a great
number of vessels of the United States, which are engaged in the
whale fishery in those seas. The number of vessels of all sorts, and
the amount of property owned by citizens of the United States, which
are found in those islands in the course of a year, are stated,
probably with sufficient accuracy in the letter of the agents.
Just emerging from a state of barbarism, the Government of the
islands is as yet feeble; but its dispositions appear to be just and
pacific, and it seems anxious to improve the condition of its
people, by the introduction of knowledge, of religious and moral
institutions, means of education, and the arts of civilized
life.
It can not but be in conformity with the interest and wishes of the
Government and the people of the United States that this community
thus existing in the midst of a vast expanse of ocean should be
respected, and all its rights strictly and conscientiously regarded.
And this must also be the true interest of all other commercial
states. Far remote from the dominions of European Powers, its growth
and prosperity as an independent state may yet be in a high degree
useful to all whose trade is extended to those regions, while its
near approach to this continent, and the intercourse which American
vessels have with it—such vessels constituting five-sixths of all
which annually visit it—could not but create dissatisfaction on the
part of the United States at any attempt by another power, should
such attempt be threatened or feared, to take possession of the
islands, colonize them, and subvert the native Government.
Considering, therefore, that the United States possesses so very
large a share of the intercourse with those islands, it is deemed
not unfit to make the declaration that their Government seeks
nevertheless no peculiar advantages, no exclusive control over the
Hawaiian Government, but is content with its independent existence,
and anxiously wishes for its security and prosperity. Its
forbearance
[Page 40]
in this respect,
under the circumstances of the very large intercourse of their
citizens with the islands, would justify the Government, should
events hereafter arise, to require it, in making a decided
remonstrance against the adoption of an opposite policy by any other
power. Under the circumstances, I recommend to Congress to provide
for a moderate allowance to be made out of the Treasury to the
consul residing there, that in a Government so new and a country so
remote American citizens may have respectable authority to which to
apply for redress, in case of injury to their person and property,
and to whom the Government of the country may also make known any
acts committed by American citizens of which it may think it has a
right to complain.
Events of considerable importance have recently transpired in China.
The military operations carried on against the Empire by the English
Government have been terminated by a treaty according to the terms
of which four important ports hitherto shut against foreign commerce
are to be open to British merchants, viz, Amoy, Foo-Choo-Foo,
Ningpo, and Chinghai. It can not but be interesting to the
mercantile interest of the United States, whose intercourse with
China at the single port of Canton has already become so
considerable, to ascertain whether these other ports now open to
British commerce are to remain shut, nevertheless, against the
commerce of the United States. The treaty between the Chinese
Government and the British commissioner provides neither for the
admission nor the exclusion of the ships of other nations. It would
seem, therefore, that it remains with every other nation having
commercial intercourse with China to’ seek to make proper
arrangements for itself with the Government of that Empire in this
respect.
The importations into the United States from China are known to be
large, having amounted in some years, as will be seen by the annexed
tables, to $9,000,000. The exports, too, from the United States to
China, constitute an interesting and growing part of the commerce of
the country. It appears that in the year 1841, in the direct trade
between the two countries, the value of the exports from the United
States amounted to $715,000 in domestic products and $485,000 in
foreign merchandise. But the whole amount of American produce which
finally reached China and is there consumed is not comprised in
these tables, which show only the direct trade. Many vessels with
American products on board sail with a primary destination to other
countries, but ultimately dispose of more or less of their cargoes
in the port of Canton.
The peculiarities of the Chinese Government and the Chinese character
are well known. An Empire supposed to contain 300,000,000 of
subjects, fertile in various rich products of the earth, not without
the knowledge of letters and of many arts, and with large and
expensive accommodations for internal intercourse and traffic, has
for ages sought to exclude the visits of strangers and foreigners
from its dominions, and has assumed for itself a superiority over
all other nations. Events appear likely to break down and soften
this spirit of nonintercourse, and to bring China ere long into the
relations which usually subsist between civilized States. She has
agreed, in the treaty with England, that correspondence between the
agents of the two Governments shall be on equal terms—a concession
which it is hardly probable will hereafter be withheld from other
nations.
It is true that the cheapness of labor among the Chinese, their
ingenuity in its application, and the fixed character of their
habits and
[Page 41]
pursuits may
discourage the hope of the opening of any great and sudden demand
for the fabrics of other countries; but experience proves that the
productions of Western nations find a market, to some extent, among
the Chinese; that that market, so far as respects the productions of
the United States, although it has considerably varied in successive
seasons, has on the whole more than doubled within the last ten
years; and it can hardly be doubted that the opening of several new
and important ports, connected with parts of the Empire heretofore
seldom visited by Europeans or Americans, would exercise a favorable
influence upon the demand for such products.
It is not understood that the immediate establishment of
correspondent embassies and missions, or the permanent residence of
diplomatic functionaries, with full powers, of each country, at the
court of the other, is contemplated between England and China,
although, as has been already observed, it has been stipulated that
intercourse between the two countries shall hereafter be on equal
terms. An ambassador or envoy extraordinary and minister
plenipotentiary can only be accredited, according to the usages of
western nations, to the head or sovereign of the state. And it may
be doubtful whether the court of Pekin is yet prepared to conform to
these usages so far as to receive a minister plenipotentiary to
reside near it.
Being of opinion, however, that the commercial interests of the
United States, connected with China, require at the present moment a
degree of attention and vigilance such as there is no agent of this
Government on the spot to bestow, I recommend to Congress to make
appropriation for the compensation of a commissioner to reside in
China, to exercise a watchful care over the concerns of American
citizens and for the protection of their persons and property;
empowered to hold intercourse with the local authorities, and ready,
under instructions from his Government, should such instructions
become necessary and proper hereafter, to address himself to the
high functionaries of the Empire, or through them to the Emperor
himself.
It will not escape the observation of Congress that, in order to
secure the important objects of any such measure, a citizen of much
intelligence and weight of character should be employed on such
agency; and that, to secure the services of such an individual, a
compensation should be made corresponding with the magnitude and
importance of the mission.
John Tyler.
Washington, December 30,
1842.
