No. 42.
Mr. Baker to Mr. Gresham.

[Confidential.]

Sir: In obedience to your cable of the 18th of April, received by me at Managua, I immediately sought to make arrangements for my conveyance to Bluefields via Grey Town. After a most difficult trip, changing conveyances nine times in consequence of the low stage of water in the San Juan River, and the many obstructions, I arrived at the latter place on the 25th of April. Capt. J. C. Watson, of the U. S. S. San Francisco, having accidentally heard at Port Limon, to which, among other points, I telegraphed inquiring for means of transportation from Grey Town to Bluefields, kindly ran in and picked me up, landing me at Bluefields on the 26th.

I lost no time in procuring an office and commencing a careful, investigation into the condition of affairs as they exist at this time. I first invited the most prominent and intelligent citizens of the place, embracing natives, Creoles, Jamaicans, officers and ministers of the Moravian mission, and American and other foreign business men, to call upon me, either singly or in pairs. These men willingly responded to my invitation, to all my questions in search of information, and in many ways contributed to my stock of knowledge as to the recent past and the present condition of affairs in the Mosquito Reservation. I have rigidly examined 21 of the most intelligent and trustworthy citizens of this place, and had several of them prepare for me brief communications in writing upon special points or phases, copies of which communications will accompany this dispatch.

This is a prosperous community from Bluefields to Rama, a distance of 60 miles, a remarkably thrifty community for Central America—the most prosperous, I think, within the five Central American States. The trade is considerable already, has been rapidly growing until it received the recent violent check, and is substantially all with the United States.

Its most enterprising business men are chiefiy Americans. The town is American to the core. There is no semblance of the slothful, indolent, and filthy habits so conspicuous in the interior towns. The houses are clean and handsomely painted; the women dress neatly, and are not made beasts of burden; the men are busy at useful occupations and do not devote their time to petty politics, cockfighting, and parading with muskets. The community has been peaceable throughout. No soldiers existed, for none were required. The civil power has always had full sway, and justice has generally been secured through the courts.

I will invite your attention to the fact that all Spanish or Nicaraguan towns, however small, are governed by military governors; military barracks are the most conspicuons buildings of the respective towns, and the marching of armed men, the beating of the drum, and the [Page 71] screeching of the fife are at all times before the eyes and filling the ears of the citizens. The majority of the men spend their time in places of resort, discussing politics, plotting revolutions and the like, while the women earn the living.

* * * * * * *

Several places—such as Rama, Cape Gracias á Dios, and Corn Island-were formerly prosperous communities under the mild rule of the authorities of this reserve. They now have their military governors and-are ruled by autocratic military power. The former prosperity of these places has departed; their former enterprising citizens have been driven out, their business ruined by crushing taxation and the lack of security to life and property.

There is a distinctively antagonistic feeling among the Spanish Nicaraguans toward Americans. The former are jealous of the enterprise and prosperity of the latter. This is in marked contrast with the sentiments and actions of the ruling elements in Costa Rica. There Americans are heartily welcomed. The Nicaraguans say that Americans come here, get rich in a few years, and then carry their wealth to the States. The fact is to the contrary; the Americans spend money liberally in improvements which add to the prosperity of the country.

* * * * * * *

2.
There are a large number of Americans in business—agricidtural, mining, lumbering, and in commercial enterprises—who have acquired titles to lands. Many have expended large sums of money in improving and developing their lands.

* * * * * * *

3.
Substantially everybody—business men and laborers—in this reserve, use the English language and they know no other. The Nicaraguans insist that the Spanish language must be used in ail business and public affairs, in the courts, etc. This would be a grievous hardship to the citizens.
4.
It is proposed by the Nicaraguan Government here to sell to a company of favorites, partly composed of foreigners but not Americans, an exclusive concession for the navigation of this river of Bluefields, which stream has had free navigation always heretofore, and upon whose waters a commerce of several milions of dollars annually are carried, some twelve or fourteen ocean steamers going up as far as Rama—60 miles—per month, to gather bananas and other produce. To compel all these steamers now to pay a private company tor the privilege of prosecuting the business which they have been many years in building up, by thus destroying the free navigation of this river—a river which has rightfully been as free as the ocean—would be an injustice, and would destroy the prosperity of the entire valley.
5.
No American here has denied to Nicaragua the soverign power over this territory, but they do believe they have a right to appeal to the Government of the United States with confidence that that Gov-’ eminent will use its best offices with the Government of Nicaragua for the protection of their vested rights in this territory, and for securing to them a local government which shall protect them and their families in their persons and property.
6.
The feeling between the natives and foreigners on the one hand, and the Nicaraguans on the other, is such, that until the Government of the United States shall secure from Nicaragua, by treaty or otherwise, the protection of the former in all their vested rights, an outbreak may be provoked by the insolence of Spanish officials at any time; [Page 72] therefore, it will be necessary for a United States man-of-war to remain as close to this harbor as possible, until the two Governments come, to an amicable understanding by which American residents will be protected.
7.
The natives of every shade are in full accord with the Americans. The Nicaraguans, being of different blood, speaking a strange language, possessing radically different ideas of methods of government, * * * can not assimilate with the English speaking people here—one or the other must remain dominant; the other will, either gradually or suddenly, get out.
8.
Accompanying another brief dispatch, No. 262, of even date, I send several inclosures. For a history of events leading up to the present condition of affairs, I respectfully refer you to a paper furnished me by Judge J. O. Thomas, who was for many years a judge of the supreme court, as well as a member of the executive council of the reserve, which accompanies this marked inclosure No. 1; and for a succinct account of the recent happenings, I desire that the official dispatch to the Navy Department of Capt J. C. Watson, U. S. S. San Francisco, dated April 16, and his dispatch to the same, dated April 28, be read in connection with this.
I have patiently verified every fact set forth in both these dispatches, but have not deemed it necessary to travel over the same ground in making my report to the State Department.
9.
For a synopsis of the laws upon which the land titles in this reserve rest, I respectfully refer to inclosure No. 2, furnished me by the Messrs. Hodgson and Ingram. These gentlemen are all men of learning in the law, one of them has been a judge in the supreme court, and a land commissioner, another one clerk of that court, and the third a member of the executive council.

Inclosure No. 3 is a statement from the two chief officials of the Moravian mission in this territory.

I had conversations with these men, and I am impressed with their intelligence, sincerity, and with their extensive knowledge of the people— the natives of this country.

* * * * * * *

I will remain here probably two weeks yet, leaving for Grey Town about the 13th of May. It is possible that I may be compelled to return via Colon, as the transportation on the San Juan River is of the most difficult character; but do not send mail to me at this point, as it can not reach me.

The special commissioner from Nicaragua, Mr. José Madriz, late minister of foreign affairs, returns to Managua by the first steamer, to present his report and recommendations to his Government.

The British minister, Mr. Gosling, arrived at Managua shortly after I left there.

Awaiting your instructions at Managua, I am, etc.,

Lewis Baker.
[Inclosure 1 in No. 42.]

Mr. Thomas to Mr. Baker.

Honored Sir: It gives me pleasure to see you in Mosquito. The circumstances actuating your visit may not be a pleasant one, but as your calling will bring you on the platform to witness such occurrences [Page 73] and events as the one now pending between the Mosquito Reservation and the Republic of Nicaragua, I am glad you have undertaken the long journey and have arrived here safe, where I sincerely hope you may be able to lift the curtain and see and hear for yourself.

I arrived here (I mean in Bluefields) in the month of September, 1859. I made this visit for the purpose of seeing the country and in prospecting its natural resources. I had some capital, and was willing to invest in any new country where I would have the prospect of locating and rising with the country, as it might be developed from time to time. After spending some money in prospecting the coast and the interior of the Mosquito country, I found, to my great satisfaction, that the lands were some of the best for the cultivation of the sugar cane, coffee, cocoa, anatto, rice, cotton, Jamaica ginger, cocoanuts, and all other tropical fruits including the banana, which was just then finding its way into the United States markets at very remunerative figures.

I found that the forests abounded in mahogany, cedar, rosewood, pitch pine, and other hard woods of value. On the coast there was a good supply of turtle shell, hides, skins, canoes, cocoanuts, etc. I then turned my attention to the customs, laws, and government. Of course T knew the country was under the protection of England, and this, with what I had seen of the people, I was satisfied that such a people, with such a country, and with the aid of the inhabitants of the outside world, would in time rise to some significance, also found that the two languages spoken were English and Mosquito, and, as English was the commercial language, that some day it would be the language of the land. But best of all, I observed, to my great joy, that the Protestant religion was the religion of the land, and that the good old English translation of the Bible was the principal book of the schools, and that the Mosquito children and all the other children were taught to read and write English. I felt myself and capital safe, and with all that T had seen was satisfied.

You will excuse me if I go over the historical events of this country by leaps and bounds, as it would take tip too much time to speak of all in the past of this country’s history from 1859 up to the present time.

You will remember that in 1800 Her Britannic Majesty’s Government entered into treaty relations with the Republic of Nicaragua touching the Mosquito coast. This treaty, as you are well aware, is known as the treaty of Managua, which was ratified at London, 2d August, 1860. After the ratification of the treaty the then hereditary chief of Mosquito, George Augustus Frederick, at a public convention of the headmen of the Mosquitos, and of the mixed population on the 12th day of September, 1861, at Bluefields, Mosquito Reservation, addressed the audience in the following words (in Mosquito and then in English):

Gentlemen: I am happy to meet you, and trust that you will be satisfied that in calling yon together I am acting for the best interests of the people who are now or may hereafter inhabit or become residents within the Mosquito Reservation. All communities of persons should have a definite and regular form of government, by which the interests of each and every person should be fully and legally protected in life, liberty; and property. Having lately made and entered into treaty engagements with the State of Nicaragua, through the good offices of Her Britannic Majesty’s Government, wherein the extent of the reservation and the civil and political rights of all persons within the said reservation are defined, I am desirous of forming a government adapted to our wants. For that purpose I have called you together in public convention to assist me in thus forming a government, and I hope that those persons who shall be recommended by you and appointed by me as the members of the general council will enter upon their duties with a firm determination to act in [Page 74] good faith and for the best interests of all. My wish and desire is to place the people residing upon the Mosquito Reservation—natives and foreigners—in the best possible condition as regards their present and future-welfare, and you may depend that I shall be always ready to act with yon for that purpose with the utmost good faith and sincerity, hoping by so doing to place our future government upon a firm and solid basis. And now, gentlemen, I am ready to appoint the council from and among those whom you may recommend to me for that purpose, I hope the appointment of the general council will give satisfaction to all and confidence for the future.

You will by this first convention perceive the drift of the government, and that this reservation or territory, as set apart by the several conditions of the aforesaid treaty, and as mapped out by Great Britain and Nicaragua, and particularly described by the two contracting parties from the Mosquito country, as a state of free men who are to govern themselves—not as an unsettled horde of wandering savages not yet formed into a civil society; not as a voluntary association of robbers or pirates; but as members of this country or state they were already accustomed to give to their sovereign a habitual obedience as their superior, and faithfully acknowledged the power vested in him.

The members of the Mosquito state had their fixed abode, and all who are acquainted with the history of America, and that of Mosquito, must admit that the Mosquito Indians, and all persons residing among them before the treaty of Managua, enjoyed, occupied, and governed a definite state belonging to them and exercising an internal as well as an external sovereignty, and were ever ready to punish evil and uphold good. The treaty stipulations, taking from the Mosquito country a large portion of territory and retaining to the Mosquitoes and all who may live among them a reservation conceding to them their right of self-government, made it incumbent on the Mosquito chief, his headmen, and all those that may live among them, to adopt a constitution.

This constitution was drawn up and adopted by the chief and vice-president and the members of the general council, and subsequently approved by both contracting parties. Up to this time there were no Spaniards within the Mosquito Reservation, to the exception of one man, a Colombian, who resided at the mouth of the river “Walpa Sixah,” and having a Mosquito woman as his wife. The Spaniards were universally hated by the Indians, while the British and all other foreigners were loved and respected.

I am not aware if you are acquainted with the constitution of the Mosquito Reservation, and as you may not be posted, I take pleasure in copying for your consideration articles 1, 2, 3, 4, (See also 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, Mosquito Code, p. 12.)

  • Art. 1. The official name of the government shall be “The Municipal Authority for the Government of the Mosquito Reservation.”
  • Art. 2. The boundaries of the said reservation are and shall be as fixed and set-forth in the second article of the treaty of Managua, dated the 28th of January, 1860, as follows: (See article 2 treaty of Managua.)
  • Art. 3. The municipal authority shall be vested in and consist of the general council and an execntive council.
  • Art. 4. That conformably with an act of the Mosquito council, dated October, 184ti, entitled an act confirming the establishment of the laws of England as the same are now, or may hereafter be known and acknowledged, shall be, and the same are hereby, made the laws of the municipal authority of the Mosquito Reservation, so far as the same can be made applicable to the present and future position, circumstances, and form of authority, and when the same shall not be inconsistent and at variance with the sovereignty of Nicaragua.

There are established within the Mosquito Reservation four courts: (1) the court of impeachment; (2) the supreme court; (3) the local magistrate’s court; and (4) the court of arbitration. All these courts regulate the civil and criminal laws.

[Page 75]

Grand juries are not considered necessary, therefore no grand jury is summoned or impaneled.

There is trial by jury in the supreme court, both criminal and civil. All trials of criminal cases are tried by a panel of six. The jurors are chosen from the most respectable citizens of the reservation, natives and foreigners. All persons accused of crime may at time of trial object to any juror whom he may not approve to sit on the trial; if so, another juror is called. As a rule all foreigners are tried having an equal number of foreigners and natives as jurors. In civil cases the same number of jurymen are impaneled. Defendants and plaintiffs have option to demand a special jury to try their causes if they deem it necessary, or, if agreeable to both parties, may desire the judges to settle the case without a jury. New trials are allowed in civil matters in the supreme court.

The supreme court possess the jurisdiction of a law and equity court. There may be appeals from the magistrate’s court to the supreme court, but the decisions of the supreme court are final.

Both foreigners and natives are prompt to answer the call of the judges when summoned by the clerk of the supreme court for the trial of causes.

Although there are a great many strangers arriving within the past five years, yet it can not be said that crime is on the increase up to our last court.

To discard from your mind any prejudices that may be impressed oil you by unprincipled newspaper writers, who would lead the public to believe that the government of the Mosquito Reservation is wrested from the Mosquitos by Jamaica negroes who are British subjects, etc., you will permit me to lay before you the names of the persons who represent the executive council of the Mosquito Reservation.

His Excellency Robert Henry Clarence, chief and president, native full-blooded Indian; Hon. Charles Patterson, vice-president, native of Pearl Lagoon, quadroon; Hon. J. W. Cuthbert, attorney-general, Jamaican mulatto, British subject; Hon. John Taylor, judge supreme court, native Corn Island, quadroon; Hon. Sa. Hodgson, judge supreme court, native of Bluefields, black; Hon. John O. Thomas, judge supreme court, Jamaican British subject, mulatto; J. W. Cuthbert, junior secretary, native of Pearl Lagoon, mulatto; J. S. Hodgson, native of Blue-fields, mulatto; G. A. Hodgson, native of Bluefields, black; H. C. Ingram, native of Bluefields, mulatto; J. W. Howel, native of Blue-fields, black; J. A. Peterson, American citizen, white; H.U. Hodgson, native Bluefields, mulatto; Benjamin Ellis, native of Pearl Lagoon, black; Edward McCray, native Rama Key, full-blooded Indian; Gus Daniel, native Rama Key, full-blooded Indian; David Benjamin, native Rama Key, full-blooded Indian.

There is also a general council of the above persons and twenty-eight Mosquito Indians, all of whom are chosen and elected by the Mosquito Indians and other persons who may live among them. The term of office is five years, when new elections take place at the expiration of the term.

You will now see by Careful inquiry and by the above list that there are only two Jamaicans who are British subjects in the general and executive councils, and these two are J. W. Cuthbert and John O. Thomas.

After the ratification of the treaty of Managua “conflicting views; on the proper interpretation of the treaty commenced between the two Governments, and Her Majesty’s Government, finding it impossible to [Page 76] reconcile the Government of the Republic,” consented to allow the points at issue to be decided by arbitration. The Government of Nicaragua being willing, the Emperor of Austria was selected, and in 1881 the Emperor decided. It was in 1870 the questions in dispute were agreed upon by both Governments to be settled by arbitration. (See Award Emperor of Austria, pp. 11, 12, 13, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 20.) It is sad to say that before the arbitration was concluded—nay, just when it was about to be submitted—the then young chief, William Henry Clarence, the nephew of George Augustus Frederick, a young man, intelligent and bold, being well educated, and who would be a help to his country, was murdered in this town by a Nicaraguan Spaniard. This man was captured, tried, and, being condemned, was hung in Bluefields.

There have been two other chiefs, Hendy and Jonathan, who have died since W. H. Clarence, and the present young chief, Robert Henry Clarence, is the son of the murdered William H. Clarence.

Immediately after the arbitration the inhabitants of the reserve, feeling that the landbands of Nicaragua was somewhat weakened by the award of the Emperor of Austria, a new enterprise was started, and the long-cherished desire of tilling the soil came into operation by the cultivation of bananas.

We commenced in good faith under the conditions of the treaty of Managua to expend our capital, and invited foreign friends to take part, feeling assured that the lands were well adapted and that the markets of the Southern States being near at hand, we would be sure of success. Under the clear and strong conditions of the treaty, we invested our moneys and worked hard to carry out the new undertaking. In 1882 bananas was the theme, and the banks of the Bluefields River were made noisy by the ax of the woodman. Plantation after plantation sprung up, and in 1883 the planters were able to make a commencement in shipping about 2,500 bunches per month, or about 30,000 that year. Now, with all the disadvantages of a jealous and unscrupulous people, the reservation in about ten years has reached an exportation of millions of bunches of bananas that find a ready market in the United States.

This great success drew large capital and capitalists from the United States to come and settle in the reservation, and today, if it was not for the high-handed outrage committed by Carlos A. Lacayo, the said commissioner to the reservation, and one Rigoberto Cabezas, I am confident that hundreds of Americans and other foreigners would find their way to us, and the next year would have found us mounting the ladder, and, instead of ten or twelve steamships, as we now have here per month, the country would bring forth her extra millions of bunches of bananas, and our harbor, while capable of affording shelter for the extra ships, their return cargoes would gladden the hearts of our friends in the United States, and the merchant, the man, and the Government of the Mosquito Reservation would receive a fair share as compensation for the prosperity of the land.

Mr. Carlos A. Lacayo come to the Mosquito Reservation some time in the month of November, Shortly after his arrival Admiral Benham arrived in the San Francisco. Mr. Lacayo said he came to Mosquito as the commissioner to the reserve. He brought a letter from the governor of Grey Town, but showed no credentials from his Government or President. He was not officially acknowledged when the admiral arrived here, but the day on which the admiral was welcomed Lacayo [Page 77] was also welcomed. Up to that time he had not shown his credentials, nor has he shown them to the chief yet.

Shortly after his arrival he affirmed that he came to incorporate the reservation, and this he made no secret of. In the month of January he got together a large body of soldiers, principally Honduraneans, a few Nicaraguans, and some Americans, and attempted to land arms and ammunition, and did land arms and ammunition. Mr. H. U. Hodgson, one of the magistrates, told him that he was wrong, and informed him that he could not allow it. The chief was then informed, and a few days after more troops came from Rama, and reports were all over town that Lacayo had said he was about to capture the town of Bluefields. The people became quite alarmed and excited, and appealed to the chief; the chief then protested and informed Lacayo that he could not allow the soldiers about town armed, as they were creating an excitement among the people, and that there may be trouble.

Lacayo then said that they were to be sent away for the coast of Honduras. They were sent away with the understanding that they were bound for Truxillo, but they never went further than the cape—many of the officers returning and leaving the men—the officers reporting that they had a great battle with a body of Honduranean troops, which body were only a few Honduraneans. In the fight three of the Nicaraguan men were killed, but no Honduraneans, as both parties ran from each other.

On the return of the officers from Cape Gracias most of them left for the interior. Cabezas, who was thwarted in his attempt, threatened Lacayo, and then Lacayo, prompted by Cabezas, sent for the next lot of troops intentionally to invade the reservation and capture Bluefields. Lacayo, who can not keep his tongue, made this known to many persons, and it appears that it was known in Grey Town. On Friday the steamship Miranda arrived, bringing troops. The commissioner told a merchant that he had on board 250 men and a piece of artillery, and that if he was opposed in landing the men he would bombard the town. This news of the troops weut like wildfire through the town, and much alarm was caused, Lacayo seeming to take pleasure to torture the weaker minds by his malicious reports of large numbers, etc. The chief, seeing the danger, called together his advisers, and we concluded to invite this commissioner and speak over the matter. Two gentlemen were sent to Mr. Lacayo, and soon after Lacayo and the gentlemen came up to the council chamber, and many questions were put to him touching the reported bombardment, his position as commissioner, etc. He replied in the affirmative or negative, as he deemed prudent—assured the chief that it was only on account of the Honduraneans that he had sent for the troops, so as to protect the inhabitants.

The chief, the commissioner, and members of the council then spoke over the future—the planting of coffee, cocoa, etc., in the reserve, and the benefits they would prove to the country. On leaving he asked for a copy of the questions. A copy was given at his request. He was not displeased, and the gentlemen went back with him to his residence. Later on in the day more reports sprung up and the people were excited. Some time after Lacayo sent a very insulting note to the chief. We then tried to quiet the fears of the people by giving them the best advice and assurances. They got somewhat assured with the hope that all would be well. Still, by what the chief had received and the threats which were told to some reliable persons who felt that evil was intended, we, too, felt alarmed. However, we could not show our anxieties, as we (I mean members of the council) were [Page 78] aware that the people were watching us, and that the least show of excitement on our part may cause trouble. The troops, 160 men, were landed on the night of Friday, the 10th, shouting as they went along the streets, “Vive Nicaragua!”

On Saturday a delegation of Americans waited on the chief, warning him of the impending danger, stating that Lacayo is premeditating acts of violence, and if active measures were not taken that the inhabitants would suffer. We saw the truth in what our American friends asserted, as we ourselves were well informed, but we had concluded beforehand that the only safe and right step would be to keep the people quiet, come what may. All that we could gather was that in case of resistance there should be a general slaughter of natives and foreigners and the burning of the town. Seeing that we were placed in such a critical position, and that the women and children could not escape, and as we had so many strange women and children, as well as native women and children, within the town, we fully concluded that the great object was to save life, and to suffer insult rather than see one woman or one child murdered by the hands of so base a bandit and their more depraved leaders. We then used our best influence over the minds of the people, as we could perceive that the great object was to force them to rebellion, so that they (the Spaniards) may with force and cruelty exterminate the inhabitants, that they may occupy and plunder. On the night of Sunday, near the morning of Monday, the first attack was made. The inhabitants of the town were hushed in sleep when the premeditated crime was committed, and the last spark of manhood had left Lacayo. It was an inhuman crime committed by the commissioner when at midnight he turned out an armed force and compelled a quiet, peaceable, and defenseless people to surrender just rights—the very soldiers that Lacayo said were brought to protect lives and property, “as he was, or his Government was, responsible to other nations for the lives of their people.”

These were the very unwashed and irresponsible men that were led against the town, and at midnight took the property of the people of the municipal government. These were the soldiers who were offered as bounty (should resistance be made by the inhabitants) to burn and sack the city of Bluefields. Early on Monday morning the people were here and there gathered, looking on in sadness, and these soldiers were pushing them off with the point of the bayonet, forcing them to resist so that they may accuse the peaceable people of rebellion; but we have much cause to thank Almighty God that the people took the advice given, and all natives and foreigners kept their bauds from shedding human blood. For it was quite clear that if the first shot was fired, natives and foreigners would have made common cause to protect their wives and children. A large body of Spanish troops again arrived from Rama; this gave more cause to the soldiers to grow bold and insolent, and the captain of the band, Cabezas, tried his utmost to stir the people to revolt by surrounding the flagstaff of the Mosquito Government, and hoisted the Nicaraguan flag. Without necessity, and without authority, without any cause to suppress rebellion, but to gratify malice, and by tyranny and caprice, the commissioner, Carlos A. Lacayo, and his accessory, Cabezas, exereised over the peaceable and defenceless inhabitants of Bluefields a lawless violence by proclaiming martial law, and kept up day by day without necessity, so as to carry out and to coerce the Mosquito Government, and to serve their own malicious ends.

This state of things was imposed on the people with all its terrors of [Page 79] the situation and made the more terrible by the insults of the half-clad and half-civilized soldiers who were anxious of a riot so that they may have an opportunity to plunder. During this time of unnecessary martial law the civil law was violated. A soldier, said to be a Colombian, was, on a simple cause of offense, flogged cruelly and died within thirty-six hours by the effects of the flogging and other cruelties. The wife of the British vice-consul was insulted; young girls who were on their way to school were insulted; Mr. J. P.Moody was insulted, assaulted, and plundered; the chief, Robert Henry Clarence, was twice attempted to be assassinated; Mr. G. S. Hodgson was arrested; Mr. S. A. Hodgson was arrested; H. U. Hodgson’s life was sought, his house entered and robbed; an attempt was made on the person of J. W. Cuthbert. The taking possession and appropriating the guns of the police; bursting open the prison doors and letting loose on the community felons and other prisoners; staying the proceedings of the supreme court while in sitting; letting loose certain prisoners who were just sentenced, they being Nicaraguans, and the crimes being against American citizens; the taking charge of the Mosquito revenue and collecting and appropriating the same to their own use; the giving to the families of the reservation unnecessary sleepless nights and anxious days; the unnecessary causing, through fear, hundreds of women and children to sleep in the bushes without shelter; exposing infants and mothers to damp, dew, rain, and mud; causing some mothers to be sick, children to be sick, and some infants have sickened and died; the employing men during martial law to enter at midnight the homes of an already distressed and uneasy people with guns, bayonets, bowie knives, and revolvers, and, under the pretense of searching for arms, with the point of the bayonet, strive to ravish the women, and discharging their guns and revolvers at the men in their very homes, and wounding; and numberless other outrages and petty larcenies committed by the soldiers on the persons of private individuals under the plea of searching for arms—these were acts of Lacayo and Cabezas, and these were the soldiers they brought to protect the inhabitants from Honduranean invaders. All this was done, and more sufferings were endured than can be here expressed against the inhabitants, unmercifully, by these malicious and cruel men.

While all this was going on, natives and foreigners were leaving the country by every available opportunity—some in such small vessels and in such numbers that should any accident happen and having no boats to save life, all must have perished.

The situation day by day grew more alarming; persons who did not leave became very anxious for their families, as no one could tell what the next moment would bring forth. The fears, anxieties, wailings and pleadings of wives to their husbands caused men, fathers, and husbands to think, and many sleepless nights were spent in watching over the safety of our homes and families. Yet we hoped and hoped in God for help. We expected war ships, American and English. The American ship was sent for first by Americans, and being near, all here, natives and foreigners, looked with anxious hearts, but no ship. The British vice-consul and British subjects had appealed for help, but this being later on we could scarcely expect an early arrival; yet we did expect, as is the case with all anxious hearts. The British vice-consul, Mr. Hatch, and Consul Bingham seem to have worked nobly and energetically and humanely. While anxiously waiting to see the American ship, as we had seen by the papers that she was ordered down to these waters, you may very well picture the dismay of all suffering [Page 80] hearts when the news reached us that the good old Kearsarge was wrecked on the Roncador. The Americans were much troubled, as many were feeling more and more the dishonorable actions of the Spaniards, and the situation was growing worse. At the loss of this ship the Spaniards grew bolder, while numbers of the inhabitants became more distressed; all believed that, irrespective of nationality, there would be shown to a suffering and peaceable people humanity.

All British subjects felt confident that the thing could not last long, and we cheered and comforted one and the other, knowing that Consul Bingham was always prompt, and that our noble Government would not, and never did, allow undue means to be exercised over her loyal and loving subjects longer than it could be helped. It was Sunday morning we saw the work of righteousness. Early in the morning of Sunday, the 25th of February, reports reached this town that a war ship was lying outside the bluff. All hearts felt joy, and you may fancy the shout that went up to heaven when the brave captain jumped from his cutter and landed safely in this town, leaving his boat with the British ensign gently floating in the wind at the stern of the cutter. Captain Howe walked up to the British vice-consul and, after a short interview with Vice-Consul Hatch, the captain left for the residence of the commissioner.

On his way back he was invited by the Americans at the American Club. After a short stay the captain left the club, and on the way back he heard a great noise; women and children were screaming, and the Nicaraguan soldiers and officers howling. This was brought about by the landing of the captain. A great many persons (for joy), men, women, and children were walking along in the rear of the two English officers. This annoyed the Nicaraguaus, and seventy or eighty armed men were ordered to charge on them, and with loaded guns and fixed bayonets the soldiers charged the people while the officers flourished their loaded revolvers and whooped and yelled, “Vive Nicaragua! Vive Lacayo! Vive Castin!” Then the soldiers joined in, each trying to bawl louder than the other, shouting “Vive Nicaragua! Vive Lacayo!” pressing the bayonet on the bodies of the people while the officers brought their revolvers near to the heads and faces of the men. All this was done in the presence of the captain, who quietly remarked, “I see I am not an hour too soon.” The first work of Captain Howe was to relieve the situation and to restore confidence by immediately having martial law to be taken off. This was just and right to all the citizens of the reservation, foreigners and natives, as there was no necessity, Lacayo, Cabezas, the soldiers and officers having revolted against the chief of the Mosquito Reservation and against “The municipal authority for the government of the Mosquito Reservation.” It was Lacayo and Cabezas who rebelled, and the undue means used by them against the people of Bluefields in proclaiming martial law was an abuse of the power of the Commissioner Lacayo, who, to gratify malice, committed an act or acts of tyranny.

The names of Capt. A. G. C. Howe and Lieutenant Colmore will long be remembered by natives, Indians, Americans, and British subjects, who were eyewitnesses and sufferers together.

These kind and noble-hearted gentlemen worked hard, and that night and day, to restore order and confidence to every home and homestead, irrespective of nationality. Every precaution was used to protect life and property, and, although every order was carried out with boldness and firmness, yet all were tempered with the greatest kindness. Ladies and children soon felt it was good to indulge in the open air, and again [Page 81] we commenced to see the smiles of our women and children. Fruit and flowers were lavished on the British blue jackets in token of gratitude, and men, women, and children—natives, Americans, and British subjects—felt sorry when the gallant captain and his beloved lieutenant and the men of the Cleopatra left the shores of Bluefields and waved their last good-bye.

At present things seem quiet, but we know that there is a strong undercurrent, and should the war ships leave us, and leave us in the hands of Lacayo and all the unprincipled men who planned the revolt and the capture of Bluefields, it is beyond a doubt that as soon as such withdrawal is made the lives and property of the inhabitants will be sacrificed.

I would ask you to view the case in all its particulars. The Nicaraguans have no sympathy for the inhabitants of the Mosquito Reserve. They are jealous of the prosperity of the reserve. We do not speak the same language, we do not profess the same religion, and our institutions and laws and manners and customs are not agreeable to them, and their manner of life and mode of government are obnoxious to us; and both Indians and foreigners within the Mosquito Reservation are unwilling that these men shall have the rule over us. The acts of Lacayo as commissioner to the reserve show plainly that there is no honor, no truth, nor confidence in the Spanish element, and if left alone our lives and the lives of our families and our hard-earned properties will not be sacred in their hands.

I have the honor to be, your most obedient servant,

John O. Thomas.
[Inclosure 2 in No. 42.]

Mr. Ingram and others to Mr. Baker.

Sir: The right of Mosquito to dispose of her public lands by lease is indisputable, Mosquito having been a kingdom long before the treaty of Managua and under no other sovereignty; and Nicaragua in the said treaty of Managua of January, 1860, has recognized said right.

On the strength of said treaty the executive council on October 24, 1863, according to the Mosquito Code (p. 21, sees. 1 to 4), enacted laws for the disposition of public lands as follows:

AN ACT entitled “Au net regulating the occupation and use of the public lands of the Mosquito Reservation and to regulate and dispose of the natural production thereof.”

Council Chamber, Bluefields, Oct. 24, 1863.

  • Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Executive Council in session, assembled, That a public land office be established, and that from the first day of November, 1863, a land commission of throe persons shall be appointed to take charge of the public lands and the disposition of the natural productions thereof.
  • Sec. 2. Their power and duties shall be as follows, viz: They shall have the right to let and lease the public lands, and to regulate the sale and disposition of its natural productions, and for the benefit of the Mosquito Reservation under the seal of the Government on such terms as they, the commissioners, shall deem most advantageous to the interests of the Mosquito Reservation.
  • Sec. 3. That said commissioners shall keep a record book, in which every act and thing done by them shall be recorded, and said record book shall each and every year hereafter be presented to the executive council at its regular session.
  • Sec. 4. That said land commissioners shall be appointed every year by the executive council in session assembled.

The council thereupon proceeded to elect commissioners for the year 1864, and did then and there appoint three commissioners. The commissioners were instructed [Page 82] by the council that all persons applying for the occupation and use of the public lands and the productions thereof shall each and every of them take an oath of obedience to the constitution, laws, and regulations of the Mosquito Reservation.

form of oath.

I, the undersigned, do declare on oath that I will faithfully fulfill the duties of a citizen resident of the Mosquito Reservation, and so long as I may reside within its limits submit to, abide by, and obey the constitution, laws, and regulations of the municipal authority of the Mosquito Reservation. So help me God.

The council further instructed the commissioners that all leases or permits granted in regard to the public lands or its natural productions, shall be of one form, and that leases or permits shall contain the names of the commissioners and the names of the person or persons applying, shall have a consideration named, and a specified time fixed for carrying into effect its conditions.

Henry Patterson,
Vice-President.

J. H. Hooker,
Secretary.

In conformity with the above law, all leases have been granted for a term of fifty years, with the privilege of renewal at the expiration thereof for fifty years more.

The validity of the leases, so far as Nicaragua is concerned, has been acknowledged by her former commissioner, Gen. Ysidro Urtecho, who applied for, and obtained by lease, the premises now occupied by the present commissioner, and never objected to any leases made by the Mosquito Government.

No restrictions can be placed by Nicaragua regarding the disposition of public lands in the reserve as long as they are not ceding it to any foreign person or state. The Managua treaty, Article II, states as follows:

But the district thus assigned to the Mosquito Indians may not be ceded by them to any foreign person or state, but shall be and remain under the sovereignty of the Republic of Nicaragua.

The relative position of Mosquito to Nicaragua is that of a coexisting sovereignty, as demonstrated by the flag of Mosquito, and which has been clearly set forth in the treaty of Managua, Article III, and the award of His Imperial Majesty, the Emperor of Austria, in his arbitration of certain questions relative to the affairs of Mosquito.

The decision of the Emperor has been accepted by Nicaragua but never acted upon fully, and the present occupation of the Mosquito Reserve by the Nicaraguan commissioner and his employees, demonstrates the fact that the solemn engagements of that Republic can be wilfully violated by them at pleasure.

To-day Mosquito is regarded either as the prey or the enemy of Nicaragua, by said Government, and it is only the presence of either British or American war ships that guarantees protection of our lives.

We are confident that the British Government will insist on the fulfillment of the above quoted treaty stipulations.

Although having heard to the contrary from those interested in our downfall, we are confident that the United States of America, for the sake of liberty, as well as for the interests of her citizens residing and doing business in this country, will use every means in her power to assist in bringing this matter of ours to a satisfactory termination.

  • H. C. Ingram.
  • S. A. Hodgson.
  • George s. Hodgson.
[Page 83]
[Inclosure 3 in No. 42.]

Officers of Moravian Mission to Mr. Baker.

Sir: We, the undersigned, being called upon to give our personal opinion with regard to the present state of affairs in the Mosquito Reservation, and with regard to the future prospects of the same, beg leave to state that we do so somewhat reluctantly, as our missionary calling forbids us to have any dealings with politics.

The Evangelical Church of the United Brethren, commonly called the “Moravian Church,” has carried on mission work in this country for these forty-five years. The Moravian Mission on this coast comprises at present 13 congregations, numbering 5,500 souls—75 per cent Indians, 25 per cent colored people—whilst 700 children are being taught in 15 schools, 14 of which are elementary schools, one a higher school for advanced pupils.

This work is carried on by 15 ordained missionaries (12 of whom are Europeans, 3 colored), 2 lay missionaries, and 7 teachers, at an annual cost of $14,000, one-half of which is raised here.

With regard to this work we beg to state that if Great Britain, under whose protection our work was inaugurated, does not uphold the treaty of Managua, we should feel very unsafe indeed, as in our opinion the Anglo-Saxon language, religion, Sunday observance, enterprise, and commerce would be crushed out before long, and become a thing of the past.

The number of our church members would also be very seriously affected by such a change of government, there being but one voice among the colored population, to the effect that they would not be able to live under Nicaraguan ride, and therefore would rather emigrate— a considerable number having already taken steps in this direction.

The Indians are of the same opinion concerning a Nicaraguan rule, but as they are of a more phlegmatic disposition they would probably not emigrate. It is our opinion that they would have to expect very little encouragement and receive very little benefit from the hands of a Nicaraguan government: moreover, that such a change would result in hastening the extermination of the Indian race, while at the present time the Indians have been on the way to improvement.

Submitting this, our humble personal opinion, to your judgment,

We remain, most honorable sir, yours, very respectfully,

  • W. Sifborger,
    Superintendent
  • H. Berkenhagen,
    Warden of the Moravian Mission on the Mosquito Coast.