Consul Corte to Mr. Grant.

No. 143.]

Honorable Sir: In reference to my interview with you last Monday I beg to state that, according to an examination of the passports, to information received from our minister of foreign affairs, and to the testimony of the survivors and of relatives and friends of the victims, it appears without doubt that the persons killed were the following: Antonino Abbagnato (Antonio Bagnetto), Vincenzo Traina (Charles Traina), Antonio Grimaudo (Antonino Marchese), Gerolamo Caruso (James Caruso), Emanuele Polizzi (Manuel Politz), Antonino Scaffidi (Antonio Scaffidi), Rocco Geraci, Loreto Comitis, Pietro Monastero, Francesco Romeo (Frank Romeo).

The proving on this occasion, also the nationality of the deceased persons, and that of those who were robbed of their savings, maltreated, and confined in prison for about six months, and then acquitted or released on bail, is, I deem, necessary; therefore, according to the records in the registration office, and to the above-named documents, which I have and are at your disposal, there is no doubt that at the time of their death Pietro Monastero, Loreto Comitis, and Vincenzo Traina were subjects of His Majesty the King of Italy, as also Antonio Grimaado, who arrived here from Italy in November, 1888, although, it is asserted, without proofs, that he manifested his intention October 3, 1890, to become a citizen of the United States under the name of Antonino Marchese.

All the others killed, excepting Macheca and Frank Romeo, the first an American by birth and the second by virtue of a decree signed by Judge Theard, dated April 6, 1868, I must consider Italians, either for they not having complied with the formalities required by an article of the Italian civil code to renounce their citizenship, or for not complying with those of section 2165 of the Revised Statutes of the United States, only legal way to become an American citizen.

If article 185 of the constitution of Louisiana of 1879 accords to aliens manifesting their intention to become American citizens the right to vote at certain elections and under stated conditions, it does not, according to the terms of the document given the voters, make them American citizens.

Independently of these considerations, I will prove, if necessary, that the names of several of these Italians are considerably altered; that the registration papers of some appear to have been signed by them, when they do not know how to write, and in other papers there are irregularities which destroy their value.

[Page 712]

Of the persons acquitted or released under bail who were, as I said, maltreated and imprisoned for six months, with the exception of C. Patorno, Charles Matranga, John Caruso, all are Italians, having, the most of them, their passports in due order.

I am yours, respectfully,

P. Corte.

Marquis Rudini to Marquis Imperiali.

[Telegram—Date not given, but published in the newspapers of May 4, 1891.]

I have now before me a note addressed to you by Secretary Blaine April 14. Its perusal produces a most painful impression upon me. I will not stop to lay stress upon the lack of conformity with diplomatic usages displayed in making use, as Mr. Blaine did not hesitate to do, of a portion of a telegram of mine communicated to him in strict confidence, in order to get rid of a question clearly defined in our official documents, which alone possess a diplomatic value. Nor will I stop to point out the reference in this telegram of mine of March 24 that the words “punishment of the guilty” in the brevity of telegraphic language actually signified only that prosecution ought to be commenced, in order that the individuals recognized as guilty should not escape punishment.

Far above all astute arguments remains the fact that henceforth the Federal Government declares itself conscious of what we have constantly asked, and yet it does not grant our legitimate demands.

Mr. Blaine is right when he makes the payment of indemnity to the families of the victims dependent upon proof of the violation of the treaty; but we shrink from thinking that he considers that the fact of such violation still needs proof. Italian subjects acquitted by American juries were massacred in prisons of the State without measures being taken to defend them.

What other proof does the Federal Government expect of a violation of a treaty wherein constant protection and security of subjects of the contracting parties is expressly stipulated?

We have placed on evidence that we have never asked anything else but the opening of regular proceedings. In regard to this, Baron Fava’s first note, dated March 15, contained even the formula of the telegram addressed on the same day by Mr. Blaine, under the order of President Harrison, to the governor of Louisiana. Now, however, in the note of April 14 Mr. Blaine is silent on the subject which is, for us, the main point of controversy.

We are under the sad necessity of concluding that what to every other government would be the accomplishment of simple duty is impossible to the Federal Government. It is time to break off the bootless controversy. Public opinion, the sovereign judge, will know how to indicate an equitable solution of this grave problem.

We have affirmed, and we again affirm, our right. Let the Federal Government reflect upon its side if it is expedient to leave to the mercy of each State of the Union, irresponsible to foreign countries, the efficiency of treaties pledging its faith and honor to entire nations.

The present dispatch is addressed to you exclusively, not to the Federal Government.

Your duties henceforth are solely restricted to dealing with current business.