No. 433.
Mr. Bingham to Mr. Evarts.
United
States Legation,
Tokei, March 1, 1880.
(Received April 2.)
No. 1078.]Sir: I have the honor to inclose for your
information copies in duplicate of a memorial to his excellency Mr. Sanjo,
prime minister of His Imperial Majesty, as published on the 29th ultimo in
the Japan Weekly Mail, on behalf of the local assembly of the ken of Miyagi
in this empire.
I beg leave to note that this memorial sets forth that the people of Japan
appreciate thoroughly the respective rights of the monarch and the people,
and therefore demand the establishment of a national constituent assembly
and the full recognition that all legislative power is vested in and to be
exercised by the people through the representatives of their choice. The
memorial very significantly declares that this movement will never cease
until the required object is attained; that is to say, “a constitutional
government,” the advantages of which, the memorial asserts, “every nation in
Europe enjoys.”
Soon after this memorial was received, viz, the 28th ultimo, there was a very
marked change made in the organization of the imperial government. The
following ministers, heads of departments, resigned, viz: Okuma, minister of
finance; Ito, minister of the interior; Terashima, minister of education;
Oki, minister of justice; Saigo, minister of war; Kawamura, minister of
marine; and Yamada, minister of public works, each of whom is now a sangi or imperial councilor, and, in conjunction with
Sanjo, prime minister, Iwakura and Prince Arisugawa, junior prime ministers,
Inouye, minister for foreign affairs, and Kuroda, chief of the kaitakushi or
colonization bureau, form the imperial council (Daijo-kuan), and, under the
Emperor’s approval, enact general laws for the empire, and also special laws
for the government of all the several departments of state.
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The names of the heads of the several departments under this new-organization
are as follows:
- Mr. Inouye, minister for foreign affairs.
- Mr. Matsukata, minister of the interior.
- Mr. Sano, minister of finance.
- Mr. Kono, minister of education.
- General Oyama, minister of war.
- Admiral Enomoto, minister of marine.
- Mr. Kuroda, chief (choki-kuan) of the kaita-kushi or colonization
bureau.
- Mr. Yamao, minister of public works.
- Mr. Tanaka, minister of justice.
You will observe that Mr. Inouye and Mr. Kuroda are not only members of the
imperial council, but still retain their positions as ministers for foreign
affairs and chief of the kaita kushi, respectively.
It would seem that this change was made in obedience to the demand of the
people that there should be a law-making power independent of the executive
departments. Hitherto all the heads of departments were members of the
imperial council. The action taken, apparently at the instance of the people
of the empire and of the local representative assemblies of its several
provinces, seems to import that the chief advisers of His Majesty the
Emperor appreciate the demand for a constitutional monarchy, a national
legislature, and a system of civil policy which will combine centralized
power with decentralized administration limited and regulated by general and
local laws.
I have, &c.,
[Inclosure in No. 1078.—Extract from the
Japan Weekly Mail, February 28, 1880.]
a national assembly.
[Translated from the Mainichi Shimbun.]
The following memorial praying for the establishment of a representative
assembly has been presented to His Excellency Sanjo Sanetomi, the prime
minister, by Messrs. Masnda, Yendo, Akiyama, Minegishi, Chiba, Atami,
&c., acting on behalf of the local assembly of the prefecture of
Miyagi:
To His Excellency Sanjo
Sanetomi,
Prime Minister:
We have the honour to present to your excellency the following
memorial:
We consider that in a great many respects the management of the country
is like the regulation of water. It is impossible altogether to restrain
the force of a running stream, and therefore those who are acquainted
with hydraulics learn how to humor and direct the force of the current
so as to avoid damage. When a flood occurs, the surface of the adjoining
land is submerged. The same happens to the administration of the
country. When the pent-up excitement of a nation breaks forth, no force
can restrain the people from accomplishing their desires; they must be
allowed to attain their ends in order to avoid disastrous consequences.
This submission to the will of the people is, we consider, the proper
way to control their actions.
We have ascertained, as the result of careful investigation, that the
people of Japan have developed a spirit of independence, and now
thoroughly appreciate the respective rights of the monarch and the
general mass of the community. The result of the knowledge is an
ever-increasing demand for the establishment of a constituent assembly,
vesting legislative power in the people, and it is now very apparent
that the movement will never cease until the required object is
achieved.
We respectfully submit that, until legislative powers are lodged in the
hands of the people through their representatives, the judicature cannot
be placed on a thoroughly satisfactory footing; and if this be the case
with the judicature, with how much more force does it apply to the
executive! When the people are properly represented in the government,
and the judicature and executive are in a satisfactory condition, then
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the wealth and prosperity
of a nation increases. Every nation in Europe enjoys the advantages
which are termed “constitutional government.”
His Imperial Majesty, the great and gracious Emperor who now rules over
us, with the assistance of your excellency’s wisdom and experience,
leaves nothing to be desired in conducting the administration of the
country, and yet dissatisfaction is prevalent at home, while abroad we
suffer by reason of the exaction of foreigners. How is this to be
explained? Is it not because no proper feeling of harmony has been
established between the governors and the governed?
The prosperity of a country is inseparable from the prosperity of its
inhabitants; the government and people should therefore act in unison.
Can it be right that the government should alone be charged with all
affairs pertaining to the welfare of the state?
It is indisputable that the most urgently pressing measure is the
establishment of a constituent assembly, so that the people shall take a
part in legislative functions. Thus the three great bodies which go to
build up prosperous communities would be working in harmony, and the
welfare of the empire advanced as that of a single individual.
It is within our memory that His Majesty the Emperor, when he first
ascended the imperial throne, made solemn oath before Heaven that “the
will of the people shall be ascertained and the administration of the
empire carried on conformably with their wishes.” Seven years afterwards
His Imperial Majesty issued an edict that “constitutional government
shall be gradually introduced.” His Majesty’s virtues are indeed great
and his wisdom profound. Is there any other means of ascertaining the
will of the people and introducing constitutional government, except by
the establishment of a national assembly?
At the time we refer to, His Majesty evidently desired to grant political
rights to the people, but they treated the matter with an indifference
born of ignorance, and although the ex-privy councillor Goto Shojiro and
others presented a memorial on the subject, there were many among the
public who expressed a conviction that the country was not ripe for so
radical an innovation. Thus the matter has been put off until the
present day.
The circumstances of the empire are, however, very different now to those
of the 7th year of Meiji (1874). Not only do the people no longer think
that the establishment of a constituent assembly would be premature, but
societies and leagues have been formed throughout the length and breadth
of the land, in order to secure the boon. Who therefore can now affirm
that the people are indifferent, or that they cannot be intrusted with
participation in legislative functions?
Troubles and disturbances often take place in a country from unexpected
causes, and if those members of the political societies who are desirous
for a national assembly should find their hopes frustrated, it is to be
feared that they will rise in insurrection and refuse to be
pacified.
Again, if your excellency, taking advantage of your exalted position and
acknowledged popularity, despises the current of public opinion, and
does not seek a suitable outlet for its violence, future history in
speaking of your excellency will say that you “occupied the position of
prime minister, but did not inforce the imperial edict, allow the people
to succeed in their reasonable desires, or carry on the administration
of the empire so as to meet with the approbation of the public. On the
contrary the people were dissatisfied, and foreigners still maintained
their haughty disregard for the independence of the nation.” How could
your excellency’s admirers rid you of this blame? The subject has caused
us much perplexity and embarrassment.
Your excellency is well aware of all these circumstances, and will
doubtless take the necessary steps to carry out the desired reforms with
due care and prudence. We feel assured of this from the establishment of
local and other subordinate assemblies in the cities and prefectures
with the view of educating the people to the proper use of their
political rights when intrusted into their hands.
But what course is to be adopted if the people are not content with the
existing assemblies? We are anxious to avoid any statements which might
prove unpalatable, but it is undeniable that the clamor of the public,
and more especially the inhabitants of our prefecture, for a constituent
assembly, is now like that of a hungry man for food. This is why we have
addressed a memorial to your excellency on the subject, as we have no
intention of forcing the question upon you by a conspiracy or the
assemblage of multitudes of people. We do so simply because we consider
it our duty, having regard to the present state of the empire. We have
not considered ourselves in this matter, but only our beloved country,
and if, in the fullness of our feelings, we have exceeded the bounds of
politeness, we pray your excellency to excuse our offense and regard
only the meaning and spirit of our memorial.
