Introduced by Mr. Millan y Caro, the principal official
of the department of state, I read the following speech, (in Spanish.)
The English version of my remarks will be found in Appendix A.
[Translation.]
Señor Minister:
In the midst of the difficulties which ever attend a transition from
one form of government to another, encouragement and support are
found in the good wishes of nations as devoted to liberty as yours,
and in the declarations of such illustrious bodies as your Senate
and your House of Representatives, the exponents of a great and
glorious democracy strong in the enjoyment of rights that elevate
human nature, and in the fulfillment of those duties that assure the
stability of the social structure.
Both those bodies, ripe in their republican experience, in addressing
their felicitations and congratulations to our newly-founded
republic, comprehended that this form of government has arisen among
us, not by chance or any sudden impulse, but as the necessary result
of the liberal movement that began with the present century; a
movement not inaugurated to satisfy the vanity of a few men, or to
satiate the hunger of political parties, but to put an end to the
constant struggle between tradition and right, calling communities
to the exercise of a sovereignty which at once stimulates progress
by the force of ideas, and maintains stability by obedience to law,
and by respect for legitimate interests.
An evident proof that this spirit guides our republic you find in
this very reform, whereby slavery is abolished in Porto Rico, a
reform that reconciles at the same moment the abstract principles of
justice with the difficulties often inseparable from their practical
realization. By this standard and by this example our valiant and
prudent nation will doubtless be guided in completing the work it
has begun, so that in the bosom of our republic, and wherever our
banner waves, there shall be none but free citizens.
And you, Señor Minister, who in your high discernment already know us
so well, and so sincerely esteem our country, I beg you to convey to
the American people, to their Congress, and to their illustrious
President, the gratitude that fills us when we see that a nation
which has firmly established republican institutions deems us fit to
realize among ourselves the work of Washington and the work of
Lincoln, which will go down to posterity as superhuman achievements
in the history of liberty.
We shall persevere in the endeavor to justify this high appreciation,
which we owe not only to the virtues of our new institutions, so
liberal and so humanitarian, but also to the character of the
Spanish people, so tenacious of their autonomy and their
independence.
And with our traditional zeal the Spanish people will know how to
carry across the seas to the Antilles in the nineteenth century the
ripe fruits of civilization, as in the fifteenth century we carried
thither its germs.
Those islands are an integral part of the republic—an integral part
of the nation.
The republic desires to see all its citizens in the enjoyment of all
their rights, and at the same time it will maintain intact the
integrity of the national domain and to attain these great ends it
will spare no sacrifice.
Your people and your Government see this clearly. In those days when
your war, so admirably ended by the fall of Richmond, rent the
American people in twain, we on the shores of the Old World ardently
hoped and prayed that the United States, that living example of
liberty and democracy, might not be lessened or eclipsed in any atom
of its strength.
The American nation doubtless now has a like interest in that the
national domain shall not be impaired in our hands.
The utterances of that great people, repeated in your most eloquent
discourse, assure us that you desire to see the Spanish nation
strong in its unity, and resolved to found in its European and
American dominions the three great elements of progress—liberty,
democracy, and the republic.
* * * * * * *
The ceremony concluded, I accompanied the President and cabinet to the
private apartments of the executive mansion, where half an hour was passed
in a general conversation, begun by Mr. Figueras, in
relation to the results of emancipation in the United States, and the
probable effects of such a measure in Cuba. The views expressed by the
President
[Page 968]
were in the main a
repetition of the observations of Mr. Castelar
heretofore reported in my dispatches. It is perhaps worth remark that on
this occasion the President and four members of the cabinet confirmed the
assurance, before given me by the minister of state, of the purpose of this
government to present to the Cortes a scheme of complete emancipation for
Cuba.
I may also add that I took occasion to point out to the President and cabinet
the advantage the republic would derive in filling up the civil and military
offices in Cuba with persons sincerely disposed to carry out the views and
obey the orders of the home government; that the success of emancipation
depended, in a large measure, on a good understanding between the authors of
the measure and the freedmen; that the authorities in Cuba were notoriously
hostile to emancipation; that if retained in office they would execute the
measure in the interest of a few and not of the many, and disaster would
follow; that the success of our free black labor in America was greatly
facilitated by the confidence established between the freedmen and the
General Government through the friendly civil and military agents intrusted
by the Government with the direction of affairs in the Southern States
immediately after the war; and that, if the same generous policy were
adopted in Cuba the colored population might become not only the most
industrious and productive but the most loyal Spanish element in the island.
These suggestions were re-enforced by several examples, and seemed to make a
favorable impression on President Figueras and his
colleagues.
As I was about to take leave Mr. Castelar said he would
call on me on the following Monday in relation to a very interesting
subject, which I must reserve for a confidential dispatch.
I have appended extracts from several leading Madrid journals of various
political affinities commenting on the reception, the proceedings of
Congress, and the speeches pronounced. You will observe that I took occasion
to invite a public declaration of the determination of this government,
repeatedly intimated to me in private, to extend free institutions to its
American possessions.
[Appendix B.]
Extracts from sundry Madrid journals, having
reference to the presentation of the congratulations of the United
States Congress to the Government of the Spanish Republic, May
3, 1873.
[1. From El Impartial, (Radical,) May 4,
1873.]
The lack of space prevents us from reproducing in full the speeches made
yesterday at the reception of General Sickles.
We cannot, however, refrain from publishing the most important paragraph
in the speech of the minister of the United States, in which the
complete assimilation of the transatlantic provinces is asked for
without any disguise.
This paragraph is as follows:
“Enjoying free institutions, their allegiance happily reconciled with
liberty, Cuba and Porto Rico will contribute more than ever to the power
of Spain, and they will find in the justice, permanence, and strength of
the republic of which they form a part the best assurances of their
tranquillity and prosperity.”
It seems just for us also to copy the paragraphs in which the government
of the republic replies to this insinuation:
“The republic desires to see all its citizens in the enjoyment of all
their rights, and at the same time it will maintain intact the integrity
of the national domain; and to attain these great ends it will spare no
sacrifice.
“Your people and your Government see this clearly. In those days when
your war, so admirably ended by the fall of Richmond, rent the American
people in twain, we on the shores of the Old World ardently hoped and
prayed that the United States, that living example of liberty and
democracy, might not be lessened or eclipsed in any atom of its
strength.
“The American nation doubtless now has a like interest in that the
national domain shall not be impaired in our hands.
“The utterances of that great people, repeated in your most eloquent
discourse, assure us that you desire to see the Spanish nation strong in
its unity, and resolved to found in its European and American dominions
the three great elements of progress —liberty, democracy, and the
republic.”
[2. From La República Democrática, (Radical opposition
organ of Mr. Echegary,) May 4, 1873.]
Mr. Sickles, the representative of
the United States, was yesterday received in solemn public audience,
that he might deliver the congratulations of the Congress of his country
to the Spanish government on the adoption of the new institutions and
the passage of the bill for the abolition of slavery. The reception took
place, as on the former occasion, when the same minister plenipotentiary
announced the recognition of the Spanish Republic, in the elegant
reception-room of the executive mansion. A company of engineers, with
music and flag, did the honors, as usual, and the acting secretary of
state, on account of the indisposition of Mr.
Morayta, introduced Mr. Sickles. Both on the arrival and at the
departure of the latter the band played an American march.
After his official reception he spent a few moments in friendly
conversation with the ministers.
In his speech, in which he confined himself to stating the object for
which he had been introduced, he remarked that the abolition of slavery
gave evidence that our country was actuated by a genuine love of liberty
and a just respect for the rights of man; that as Cuba and Porto Rico
are bound to the United States by ties of extensive commercial
relations, the fate of those islands cannot be regarded with
indifference by them, and that he hoped that democratic institutions
would increase the tranquillity and happiness of those islands, which
form an integral part of the Spanish nation.
Mr. Figueras, in his reply, was very outspoken, and
made it evident that the government is fully determined to spare no
sacrifice to maintain the prosperity and happiness of our transatlantic
provinces.
[Page 970]
[3. From La Igualdad, (Federal Republican,) May 4.]
Yesterday, at the executive palace, took place the solemn and highly
important act of the reception of the minister of the United States,
General Sickles, who had been
commissioned by the President of that powerful and prosperous republic
to transmit to the President the message which the North American Senate
and House of Representatives, in the name of the American people, had
resolved to address to the people of Spain on the establishment of the
republic.
The noble and lofty attitude assumed by the North American people toward
Spain is of immense importance to our country; and this message from the
Congress of a nation which has become, if not the first, at least one of
the most enlightened and powerful nations of the world, in view of its
spontaneity and elevated character, may well cause us to feel flattered
as Spaniards and as republicans, and the present government to feel a
just pride, in that it, by its wise policy, has succeeded in a very
short space of time in dispelling fatal prejudices to which most serious
errors, in times past, gave rise, and in gaining the sympathy,
consideration, and moral support, both of the people and of the
government of the American continent.
Monarchical Europe, surprised at the birth of the Spanish Republic,
appears somewhat suspicious, and keeps aloof from us; not that we have
given any reason for fears on her part, for never did a government give
friendly powers greater proofs of loyalty, and of an ardent desire to
live in peace and harmony with all nations, than have been given by the
eminent Castelar in his memorandum, in his
brilliant speeches and most eloquent declarations; but the nations of
America, of that virgin land which is called to exercise a powerful
influence over the destinies of mankind and the progress of
civilization, do us justice in sending us a paternal embrace, which we
return in token of our eternal gratitude.
The governments of Europe, also, will cease to entertain their groundless
prejudices as soon as they become convinced, as the people whom they
represent already are, that the republic which we have proclaimed, far
from being a source of discord or perturbation, is a pledge of peace,
order, and happiness at home, and of fraternity and concord with all
nations.
We will not close this article without calling the attention of our
readers to the frank and loyal declarations made in his speech of
yesterday by the worthy representative of the United States in favor of
the integrity of the Spanish nation, and of the close, solid, and
durable union of Cuba and Porto Rico to the mother country. These
declarations, with which the upright policy of the North American
Government is in full accord, have put an end at once and forever to all
the calumnies, falsehoods, and perfidious innuendoes whereby the
reactionists kept no small part of the population in continual alarm,
inasmuch as this class was ready to believe reports of the most absurd
character, fully believing, perhaps, that our country was in danger, and
that, the loss of our beloved Antilles was imminent.
From this day forward they will not even have a pretext for imposing upon
the good faith of honest people. The integrity of our country can be
exposed to no danger so long as it has the republic for its shield, and
the proverbial bravery of all Spaniards for its bulwark.
After reading his speech, and listening to the President’s reply, Mr.
Sickles cordially shook hands
with the ministers who were present, and thus this most important
ceremony terminated.
[4. From La Epoca, (Alphonsist,) May 4, 1873.]
In the relations of the Spanish nation with foreign powers everything
seems very proper to us that indicates respect for our sovereign
decisions, and recognition of whatever Spain in the exercise of her
sovereignty may see fit to decree in matters relating to her domestic
affairs. Applause and approval, however, of concrete acts of the powers
that be should be received with distrust, because those who applaude
exercise the attribute of the critic and the judge, and, by criticising
and judging, reserve to themselves, in a manner, the right of censuring
whenever they may think censure called for rather than praise.
Mr. Castelar had told us that, in the question of
the abolition of slavery, it was necessary to tolerate the expression,
on the part of the United States, of their opinion and some suggestions,
because this question is one of an international and humanitarian
character. The opinions and suggestions now, however, refer not only to
the question of slavery, but also to the form of government which is to
exist in Spain, as is seen by the documents which the Gazette publishes
to-day, and which we publish in another column, giving an account of the
message presented by the representative of the United States to our
government, and of the reply of the latter. Is the question of the
establishment of the republic in Spain also humanitarian and
international? Have foreign powers a voice and vote in this also? Are
they not all prepared to receive the sovereign decisions of the Spanish
people with respect?
Although not one of the monarchies of Europe, nor the French Republic,
has
[Page 971]
recognized the recent
political change in our country, the proper course for our government to
pursue is to assume no character in presence of foreigners other than
that of the representative of the Spanish nation, separating such
character entirely from that of any political party, which in foreign
relations can he easily done.
However, we find no fault with the executive on account of the diplomatic
ceremony of yesterday. In fact, it was not possible for him not to
receive the congratulations sent him by the Senate and Congress of the
United States. We are, moreover, happy to see that the language of his
reply was decidedly patriotic.
The American Senate, in its session of March 25, resolved to inform Spain
with what pleasure it has seen the colored population of Porto Rico
raised to the rights and privileges of Spanish citizens. It is seen that
in the United States the same height of puritanism has not yet been
reached as in Spain as regards autonomy, individual sovereignty, and the
absolute right of each citizen; for we see that they still speak there
admiringly of the acquisition of privileges, a word which no political
man in our free and democratic Spain would dare to utter or to
write.
The speech delivered by the representative of the United States at Madrid
embraces not a few more points than the resolutions adopted by the
Senate and Congress at Washington. Those bodies confined themselves to
congratulating themselves and congratulating Spain on the establishment
of the republic and the passage of the law for the abolition of slavery
in Porto Rico. General Sickles
goes much further. He decides at once a question which, to us Spaniards,
appears very difficult, viz: What are the political opinions of our
people during the present moments of confusion and anarchy? For him it
is a settled thing that our country is anxious above everything for
republican institutions. He speaks not only of Porto Rico, as do the
legislative bodies at Washington, but of the two Spanish Antilles. And
although he concludes his speech by acknowledging Cuba and Porto Rico as
forming an integral part of the Spanish republic, he does so after
forming his opinion concerning the guarantees which he thinks he finds
in democratic institutions.
As this is rain falling on wet ground, as no Spaniard who loves his
country has forgotten those diplomatic notes and that message of General
Grant, in which the Anglo-American Government and its representative at
Madrid counseled and urged the Spanish ministers to introduce such
political reforms into Cuba as suited them, the language used yesterday
by General Sickles seems to us
worthy of study and of correction.
Mr. Castelar was doubtless of the same opinion when
he drew up his reply, in which he reminds General Sickles, more than once, that the
Spanish people is jealous of its autonomy and its independence; affirms
that the republic desires the integrity of the national territory;
resolutely declares that the United States, by reason of their own
antecedents, must desire the Spainish nation to be preserved intact,
and, with all clearness, alluding to the remark of Mr. Sickles that the two Antilles form a
part of the republic, adds that they do, indeed, form a part of the
republic, but also of our country. Everybody knows that it is within the
bounds of possibility that our country may last longer than the present
republic, in which case it is very necessary that it be henceforth
understood that the speeches published in the Gazette of to-day will
possess no value.
[5. From La Politica, (moderate,) May 5, 1873.]
On our first page our readers will find the speeches read on Saturday at
the reception of the minister of the United States, which was held for
the purpose of enabling him to present the resolutions adopted by the
Senate and House of Representatives of the Union on the proclamation of
a republic in Spain.
[The rest of this article is copied verbatim from the above article from
the Epoca, beginning at the fifth paragraph with the words “The speech
delivered by the representative of the United States at Madrid,” and
continuing to the end.]
6. From El Diario Español, May 5, 1873, (conservative
Alfonsino, edited by Ex-Governor Lopez Roberts, of
Havana.)]
the reception of mr. sickles.
The proverb says that a drowning man will catch at a straw. Thus it is
that in the diplomatic shipwreck which our country is suffering to-day
the executive clutches the straw thrown out by Mr. Sickles. Having no one else to receive,
because no European power has as yet recognized the Spanish Republic, he
receives the representative of the United States. The latter avails
himself of every occasion, and the government accepts any event with
enthusiasm, so that the trumpets of fame may resound in honor of the
hero of the feast.
Whenever an inhabitant of Madrid sees a company of soldiers, with music
and flag, at the door of the presidential palace, he need not ask what
it means. It is because the government is receiving Mr. Sickles. There is music because the
United States
[Page 972]
send
congratulations on account of the triumph of the Spanish Republic; music
because the United States recognize the new form of government; music
because the United States applaud the abolition of slavery. And the
coaches of the ministry come and go, and the ministers dress up in
swallow-tailed coats and white cravats, and Mr. Sickles goes up and down the steps of
the presidential mansion with the messages of his government.
Mean time the other embassadors keep their own counsel and smack their
lips at the discomfiture of our poor country, and European powers shrug
their shoulders at the pretensions of our minister of state.
We see to-day in our diplomatic corps what we saw when the Soberano was
the only vessel that we had. It was not necessary to mention its name.
It was sufficient to say the vessel, and
everybody knew what vessel was meant. So now, when any one says the embassador, everybody understands that Mr.
Sickles is meant, because the
others are simply the chargés d’affaires of their
respective countries, without being in any wise accredited to the
government of the republic.
Thus it is that what one would expect to see divided among all is offered
to Mr. Sickles alone, and the solemn receptions have consequently been repeated
within a very short time.
The worst of the business is that when Mr. Grant,
President of the republic of the United States, takes it into his head
to address a few covert or open menaces (for they come of all kinds) to
our government, in relation to Cuban affairs, we keep as mum as dead
men, and do not receive Mr. Sickles, in order that he may send a
report of our indifference or our energy to his chief.
Even in the speech so recently read by the representative of that
republic, it is easy to see a desire to meddle with the affairs of
Spain, as regards our transatlantic possessions, and all the acts and
all the sayings of the Government of the United States go to show that,
as far as those affairs are concerned, we live here under its
guardianship. This is all that attracts our attention, and that leads us
to think about the cordial relations between the
two governments.
As to the rest, of what importance was it to us whether Mr.
Grant approved or disapproved the proclamation
of the Spanish Republic, or whether Mr. Sickles came and went as often as he chose, with music
or without it, to the presidential mansion? This thing will gradually,
by dint of repetition, assume the comic character of all the acts of the
young republic, and will probably at last furnish a subject for the
songs of the boys in the street.
This interference in our transatlantic affairs is now becoming a matter
of history. The United States desire the independence of Cuba, and
important documents exist, which accredit this fact, from the speeches
and notes of President Grant to the dispatches and conversations of
representative Sickles. If it
were not for this desire, what interest would these gentlemen have in
sending such enthusiastic congratulations, or why would they give
occasion for the calling out of a company of soldiers every now and then
to do the honors of a reception to the American representative?
Certainly Mr. Grant and the other indirect
protectors of filibusterism did not go into such ecstacies over the
proclamation of the republic, in France. What they care for is not that
European nations should have this or that form of government, but that
the peoples of America should obtain their independence, and they think
that the shortest road to this is through the much desired autonomy, whereby those peoples will finally be
separated from the mother-country.
Mr. Grant knows very well what he is about, and well
does Mr. Sickles second his plans
here. The government of the Spanish Republic, not being accustomed to
having a word of sympathy addressed to it by other nations, is like a
child with a new pair of shoes whenever the American embassador informs
it that he is going to present a congratulation or greeting from his
Government. Our government slowly swallows the pill, which is sent to it
coated over with half a dozen high-sounding phrases, and meanwhile the
snow-ball is being prepared for independence,
which is the mother of the lamb and the soul of the whole business.
At the very time when the recent reception of Mr. Sickles was being held, we received the
sad news from Porto Rico which announced a rebellion that had
fortunately been put down, but which may be but a prelude to more
serious conflicts. While everything was being arranged here with
congratulations and hand-shakings, there the good and loyal lovers of
Spain saw the safety of the country threatened and public order
disturbed. But what does Mr. Sickles or President Grant care for that?
Let the government have a little more ambition in
matters relating to its diplomatic affairs, and let it try if it cannot
get the embassadors of France and England, Russia and Germany, and of
the other great powers of Europe to recognize and congratulate it, for
certain it is that so long as it shall be content with the receptions of
Mr. Sickles we shall have made no
great progress as regards the future of our country.
[Page 973]
[7. From La Discussion, (republican ministerial,) May 6,
1873.]
The conservative newspapers are again talking about the intervention of
the United States in our internal affairs, in view of the recent
diplomatic act of Mr. Sickles,
minister of the great republic. All appear indignant, and protest
against the interference of the American cabinet. These are the same
papers that speak with pleasure of a European intervention, “our plank
of salvation.” And they are ashamed that a friendly republic should
advise us to abolish slavery and to maintain a republican form of
government, and they do not hide their faces when they copy from La
Politica Europea the false intelligence concerning intervention by the
powers of Europe. Intervention for the purpose of crushing out liberty,
that is great and does us honor; intervention
for the purpose of giving us good advice, that
brings dishonor upon us.
