No. 166.
Sir Edward Thornton to Mr. Fish.

Sir: In compliance with an instruction which I have received from Earl Granville, I have the honor to inform you that the attention of Her Majesty’s government has lately been particularly directed to the slave-trade on the east coast of Africa, to the system hitherto pursued, and the sacrifices made by Great Britain in attempting to suppress it, and to the possibility of devising more effectual measures to attain that object; and the subject has also been inquired into by a parliamentary committee, whose report, with the evidence laid before them, I have the honor to inclose.

Afterfull consideration of the whole matter, Her Majesty’s government have come to the conclusion that the position of affairs as regards the east African slave-trade is altogether unsatisfactory; that the comparatively insignificant results hitherto attained are in no measure commensurate with the sacrifices that during the last fifty years have been made by Great Britain in attempting to suppress it, and that it is necessary to review her policy, and, if possible, reform the system which has hitherto been pursued in dealing with this serious eyil.

The foreign slave-trade between the east coast of Africa and the Arabian Sea, the Persian Gulf, Persia, and Madagascar, is altogether forbidden as piracy by treaties with the sovereigns and chiefs of those countries, and the sea-transport of slaves is only permitted for the conveyance of domestic slaves from one port to another of the Zanzibar dominions in East Africa, within specified limits, and during certain periods of the year.

Every facility has thus been given to Great Britain by treaty to put a stop to the foreign slave-trade, and if these treaties were properly observed, the traffic would be strictly limited to the transport of the comparatively small number of slaves required for domestic labor in Zanzibar; but the slave trade has been but little affected by these measures, as the Arabs from the north, taking advantage of the reserved privilege of transporting slaves within the Sultan’s dominions, and tempted by the great demand for slaves in the Persian Gulf, and the large profits accruing from their sale, succeed in conveying them, under cover of this recognized traffic, in large numbers to Arabia and the Persian Gulf.

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The same privilege also covers a large illegal export of slaves from the southern ports of Zanzibar to Madagascar, and a considerable slave-trade is also believed to exist between that island and the coast of Mozambique.

It appears that there has been an average annual export of about 20,000 slaves from Kilwa alone, irrespective of those exported from other places, and as the labor requirement of Zanzibar is estimated at not more than 4,000 slaves a year, an annual surplus of at least 16,000 slaves is unaccounted for, which must be exported to foreign countries, in violation of the treaties.

On the other hand, the efforts of Her Majesty’s cruisers have only resulted in the annual capture and release of about 7 per cent, of the slaves illegally exported; while the number of slaves exported in no measure represents the sacrifice of human life caused by the traffic, which (according to the statement of Dr. Livingstone and other African travelers, that, for every negro who becomes a slave, from four to nine perish, either in the interior or on the sea-voyage) may be estimated at from 80,000 to 100,000 lives annually.

The mode in which the slaves are captured in the interior of Africa, the cruelties of the slave-traders, the horrors of the journey to the coast, the loss of life, and the sufferings of the slaves on board the slave-dhows, the depopulation and ruin of the countries within the radius of the operations of the slave-traders, are described in the evidence laid before the parliamentary committee, and it is unnecessary to repeat them here. It need only be added that, according to the latest accounts received by Her Majesty’s government from Zanzibar, the slave-trade was more active than ever, and the public slave-market was crowded with slaves.

And yet all accounts agree in describing the countries bordering on the east coast of Africa, the scene of these slave-raids, as being very fertile, and capable of great progress and commercial improvement; Zanzibar itself is said to be becoming the emporium for the whole seaborne trade of the coast, and the chief market of the world for the supply of its own natural and indigenous products. Its customs receipts had increased from $196,000 in 1859 to $310,000 in 1870, and its foreign trade, to which considerable impetus has been given by the opening of the Suez Canal, shows signs of such rapid increase that it would be difficult to foretell its extent if its growth were not choked by the slave-trade and cramped by want of means of communication with foreign countries.

Such is the picture of facts that has been laid before Her Majesty’s-government. On the one side a naturally rich and fertile country, capable of taking a prominent position in the commerce of the East, and peopled by races whose attention might easily be turned to industrial pursuits; on the other, a traffic in human life which demoralizes the natives, depopulates and ruins the country, impedes its commercial progress, and calls for the combined intervention of civilized Christian powers.

Upon mature consideration of the whole question, Her Majesty’s government have come to the conclusion that, alone and unsupported, they cannot confidently hope effectually to extinguish this slave-trade, but, with the co-operation of the other great powers interested in the prosperity of East Africa, they think that their object might be attained—

1st.
By inducing the Sultan of Zanzibar to surrender his reserved treaty privilege to transport slaves by sea within his own dominions for domestic labor. This privilege has only served as a cloak for the foreign slave-trade, and under, its protection the foreign Arabs export [Page 210] their slave cargoes from Zanzibar, or from ports on the coast ostensibly for places within the limits open to the recognized traffic, but really for foreign ports on the coast of Arabia and the Persian Gulf.
2d.
By opening up the trade of the coast by the establishment of more regular steam and postal communication, with the countenance and assistance of the governments interested in the commerce of the country.

These measures would, in the opinion of Her Majesty’s government, be more effectual than coercive, and I have consequently been instructed to represent the above facts to the Government of the United States, and to appeal to it, in the interests of humanity and civilization, to co-operate with Her Majesty’s government in opening up communication and trade with the coast, and in bringing such combined diplomatic pressure to bear upon the Sultan of Zanzibar as may induce him, in return for the advantages thus held out to him, to surrender altogether, within a certain time, the privilege, which he alone continues to maintain, of transporting slaves by sea within his dominions.

I am desired also to say that Her Majesty’s government will be glad to receive and consider any further proposals that the United States Government may have to suggest for combined diplomatic action against this slave-trade.

The inclosed copy of the parliamentary report contains full information upon the whole subject, and, in requesting an early reply to this communication, I am instructed to add that Her Majesty’s government have addressed a similar representation to the governments of the North German Confederation, of France, and of Portugal.

I am, &c,

EDWD. THORNTON.