Mr. Asboth to Mr.
Seward
No. 7.]
Legation of the United States
Buenos Ayres,
January 27, 1867.
Sir :I had the honor to forward to your
department in my report No. 4, of the 11th instant, the full contents of
my New-year’s day note to the Argentine minister for foreign affairs,
relative to the willingness of the United States government to give its
good offices, if asked for, towards the termination of the ravages of
the Paraguayan war, and having received no official written reply, I
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deemed it proper to address
yesterday, on the same subject, a second note to Señor de Elizalde, the
full contents of which I have the honor to append :
Legation of the United States
Buenos Ayres, January 26, 1867.
Sir : I beg leave herewith to enclose a
duplicate of my note of the 1st instant, in which I had the honor to
inform your excellency of the belief of the United States government
that, by its friendly mediation, a pacific termination might be arrived
at of the ravages of the war between the allies and Paraguay
consistently with the honor and interests of the respective countries,
whatever may be the form of their government; and that the United States
government, though eager not justly to incur a charge of uncalled-for
intermeddling, and certainly not, prematurely at least, to hazard an
opinion upon the points of difference between the contending parties,
could nevertheless, if all or either of them should ask for its good
offices, bestow them with a full appreciation of the delicacy and
responsibility of the trust, and with a single desire to render
impartial justice.
At the same time, while manifesting to your excellency these sentiments
of the United States government, I had the honor to acquaint you that I
am under instructions to report to the State Department at Washington
the manner in which its friendly offer was received by the Argentine
government, and trusting that your excellency would be pleased to view
the above sentiments as an additional proof of the sincere wishes of the
United States for the lasting prosperity of the Argentine Republic, I
took pleasure in expressing the assurance that it would give me
personally the utmost satisfaction to inform my government in return
that its anxiety to assist in smoothing the troubled waters in South
America was responded to by the Argentine government, through your
excellency, in the same conciliatory spirit as that evinced by the
government of the United States.
I concluded by expressing the confident hope that the bonds of sympathy
and common interests, which so happily prevail between the United States
and the Argentine Republic, would be drawn still closer when all the
American sister republics should be at peace, and that the United States
government would certainly neglect nothing, on its part, to secure
permanently to both the American continents the mutual advantage of
lasting friendship.
A copy of this note I duly forwarded to Washington by the French mail
steamer Carmel, on the 11th instant, with an explanation worded as
follows :
“Although no reply to this note has reached me up to this moment, owing,
as I believe, to the desire of the Argentine government to secure
beforehand the benefit of President Mitre’s advice, who is still absent
at the seat of war as the commander-in-chief of the allied army,
nevertheless, since the French mail steamer Carmel sails to-morrow, I
have deemed it proper to forward by the present a preliminary report of
the action already taken by me in pursuance of the instructions
received.”
To-day another mail steamer, the Arno, leaves for Rio de Janeiro, and
being as yet without any reply from your excellency, it is still beyond
my control fully to comply with my Instructions.
I am well aware of the immense weight of care and responsibility which
rests with your excellency at the present juncture. But convinced as I
am of the high regard with which the people and the government of the
Argentine Republic honor the United States, your excellency must not
wonder at the anxiety that prompts me now to urge again that you will be
pleased to inform me whether the Argentine government responds to the
anticipations of the United States government as to the acceptability of
its good office, offered with the single purpose of promoting and
securing for the future the best interests of the Argentine nation. And
I may, in conclusion, be permitted to add my own personal belief, that
taking into consideration the past and present of the United States,
with its bright and safe future, and its determined policy in support of
humanity and freedom, of civilization and progress, its friendly
mediation in the present momentous state of political affairs here would
certainly attain results deeply beneficial to the La Plata
republics.
With distinguished consideration, I have the honor to be, sir, very
respectfully, your obedient servant,
A. ASBOTH.
His Excellency Sr. Dr. Don Rufino de Elizalde,
Minister for Foreign Affairs.
My endeavor to account for the remissness of the Argentine government in
sending a reply to an official note which expressed, the humane views
and most friendly offer of the United States government, has proved, I
regret to say, a failure, as 25days have given ample time, not only to
obtain the advice of president Mitre on the subject, but also to
receive, if required, instructions from bio de Janeiro. Therefore,
instead of further palliating this delay, I can but consider it now as a
procrastination, too evidently dictated by Brazil, and certainly not
calculated to support republican institutions.
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As a proof of this, I beg to forward, in enclosure A, extracts from
to-day’s Tribuna and Republica, reproducing a leading article of the
Montevideo Tribuna, a Brazilian organ, which treats extensively of the
prospective mediation of the United States, and endeavors to distort it
into an intervention. This article, of a monarchical hue, is the first
and only one that has appeared in the local press hostile to the United
States mediation, and may have been published in order to pave the way
somewhat for an evasive answer from the government. Meantime the
prevailing majority in the La Plata republics is, as stated in my
previous reports and newspaper extracts accompanying them, decidedly
disposed for peace, leaving those only to favor a continuation of the
war whose interests are essentially Brazilian.
In conclusion, I beg to add that Brazil, while earnestly engaged in
securing an alliance with Spain, is at the same time continuing its
active preparations at Montevideo, both by land and sea, to meet
effectively all eventualities. Her extensive hospitals at first
established here are now removed to Montevideo, and her reserve squadron
is becoming ready for immediate action, whilst transports are constantly
arriving and disembarking troops originally intended for Paraguay, but
now said to be detained in anticipation of the possible necessity for
guarding the Uruguayan frontiers against Entre-Rios. It is even
considered by some as not beyond possibility that we may ere long see
the port of Buenos Ayres blockaded by Brazil. Such an emergency,
however, I doubt not, will find our gallant Rear-Admiral Godon duly
prepared to insure proper respect for republican institutions here, and
especially to protect the interests of the United States citizens in the
La Plata regions. As for myself, I have to regret that, owing to the
defective mail service, it requires more than three months for a return
reply from Washington with instructions for my guidance.
I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your obedient
servant,
Hon. William H. Seward
Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.
P. S.—I have further the honor to enclose, marked B, copy of a note
relative to the above subject, addressed by me on the 14th instant
to General Webb, United States minister plenipotentiary at Rio de
Janeiro. Since then I have received no communication from the
general, neither have I any news from the Hon. Mr. Washburn later
than those reported under No. 3, of the 10th instant. Rumor,
however, asserts that Paraguay has asked for the mediation of the
United States. I hope that the despatches from Asuncion are not
detained, but if so, I will do all in my power to secure their safe
and speedy delivery into my hands.
[Translated from La Republica of
Buenos Ayres, January 27,
1867.]
Mediation confirmed.
The Tribune of Montevideo gives us an article on mediation proposed
by the United States to end the war with Paraguay. We give our
readers some extracts from it, in confirmation of what we said
yesterday, and for which we were complimented by the Nation.
The Tribune of Montevideo says :
“The note to which our Buenos Ayres correspondent refers in his
letter of the 21st is a fixed fact, a fact well known to us, but
which we concealed because the news was unpleasant and there was no
remedy at hand. In unlucky days, like those just past, we did not
want to furnish repeated reasons why the liberal party should
incline to doubt the justice of Providence and the righteousness of
the cause now contested by the allied armies and the forces of
Paraguay.
“We will briefly and plainly touch upon this subject, for the sole
purpose of fixing public policy, not attempting to divert the United
States from its fixed resolutions, as they always interpret the law
of nations after their own fashion.
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“The great sister republic, feeling deep compassion for the condition
of our countries, that I have been destroying each other for more
than a year, to the great grief of humanity in general, and the
sorrow of the Washington cabinet in particular, to save a further
effusion of blood and destruction of property, and moved by known
motives, addressed letters to the governments of Brazil, the
Argentine Republic, and Paraguay, (they did not condescend to notice
us,) in substance as follows:
“‘North America offers mediation. If one of the three belligerents
accepts it, (one will certainly accept it!) the others must accept; otherwise the mediation will become intervention.’
“Now, suppose Paraguay only accepts the proposed mediation, (this is
the cat in the bag,) and Brazil and the Argentine Republic reject
it, what will the mediator do ? Of course it will have to intervene
or change its tactics, as in the Candia expedition. It will
intervene with its iron-clads; it will come in an independent
republican manner to impose its will upon two nations that cannot
resist it; it will come with its patent fire-arms to give victory to
Lopez, for any compromise is a victory to the Paraguay despot, in
the present condition of affairs; it will come, in fine, to the
banks of the Plata, to contradict a doctrine professed and sustained
in its own country and in presence of the whole world.
“We do not absolutely deny the right of
intervention,but it must have fixed limits and determined
causes. In alluding to the war against Paraguay, we explained the
doctrine upon which this right was based by the United States, and
against which we now protest, in the name of history and the law of
nations.”
IMPORTANT REVELATIONS.
We take from the Tribune of Montevideo the article inserted below,
containing important revelations in regard to the mediation proposed
by the United States representative at this place. This is a serious
business, if true. Until we get farther information or hear from the
government, we will merely copy the article of our Montevideo
colleague, stating that we approve of his remarks on the American
policy, if the reports are true, and we have no reason to doubt
them.
In fact, the conduct of the United States in our country is in open
opposition to the policy of its government as displayed in its own
affairs.
The reader may judge for himself from this extract from the Tribune
of Montevideo :
POLITICAL CONTRADICTIONS.
The report referred to by our Buenos Ayres correspondent, in his
letter of the 21st, is strictly true.
* * * * * * * * * * *
Besides the new system of manufacturing a
majority,which must be admitted as one or the strange
inventions of that extraordinary country, we have the rare
diplomatic doctrine which astonishes us in the note referred to.
We will call things by their right names, for we are not hypocrites.
It is force, violence, ambition wrapped in rags of philanthropy,
fraternity, solidarity, and such expressions, that delight political
apprentices and constitute the material of occasional toasts and
speeches at all republican meetings. These are the maxims so much
detested and condemned in powerful absolute monarchies, only they
are calculated for the meridian of republics. It is Brennus, who
comes with his sword to regulate, pacify, and balance.
It is not many years ago since our northern brothers sustained a
doctrine very different and contrary to the one advanced in the note
we have quoted.
During the civil war that severed the Union, southerners implored the
mediation of France and England to put an end to a useless war that
was ruining the country. What was the reply of the North to the
notes of the two European powers ? What were the principles advanced
on that occasion by Secretary Seward ? They are known everywhere.
The northern Secretary denied the right of
intervention, alleging that each nation should attend toits
own affairs, not calling in third parties, nor asking aid from any
intermeddlers.
What is now the conduct of the United States towards the allies ? Why
repeal a principle do lately sustained ? How many political weights
and measures has the Washington cabinet adopted ? How many different
gospels do our northern brethren preach ?
But let us go further. What kind of mediation is this, that has just
been proposed ? How is this respecting the law of the majority and
the sovereign will of the people who took up arms to attain the same
end that the North sought in its contest with the South ?
Suppose Paraguay accepts the mediation, and Brazil and the Argentine
Republic reject it, what will the mediator do ? Of course it will
have to intervene or change its tactics, as in the Candia
expedition. It will intervene with its iron-clads; will come in an
independent republican manner to impose its will upon two nations
that are not able to resist it; it will come with its patent
fire-arms to give victory to Lopez, for any compromise is a victory
to the Paraguay despot, in the present state of affairs; it will
come, in fine, to the banks of the Plata to overthrow a doctrine
professed and sustained in its own country, and in presence of the
whole world.
Can that country commit such a flagrant diplomatic inconsistency,
such a bold and shameless
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political contradiction ? Will it be believed that a republican
country, the model republic, will try to outdo, in force and
violence, the most absolute monarchies, that have respect for forms
at least ? Although the note referred to is a fact, yet we doubt if
the cabinet at Washington will carry out its plan without some
modification. We think it will confine itself to the part of simple
mediator, if it does insist on meddling with our affairs.
We do not absolutely deny the right of intervention
;but it must have fixed limits and determined causes. In
alluding to the war against Paraguay we explained the doctrine upon
which this right was based by the United States, and against which
we now protest, in the name of history and the law of nations.
[Private correspondence from
Montevideo, dated January 25,
1867.]
The Republic and the Courier published Mr. Asboth’s note, offering
the mediation of his government to put an end to the war with
Paraguay.
The Tribune of to-day confirms the contents of the note, and
complains of the threats of invasion by the United States, if they
ratify the proposal of their representative.
The editor of the Tribune could not have read the note to which it
alludes, else it would have seen in it a proper justification of
this new effort to restore peace.
Mr. Asboth to Mr. Webb
Legation of the United States,
Buenos Ayres,
January 14, 1867.
Sir : I had the honor to acquaint you
officially, by my letter of January 2d, that in pursuance of
instructions received from the Department of State, I addressed on
the 1st instant a note to the Argentine minister for foreign affairs
relative to the willingness of the United States government to give
their good offices towards the termination of the ravages of the
Paraguayan war.
This day, however, I have received your private note of January 5th,
and as it seems to indicate some apprehension on your part as to my
correct interpretation of the views of our government on this
subject, I beg leave to enclose hereby a full copy of my note above
alluded to, anxious as I am for the existence of a proper harmony of
action between the several representatives of the United States
government to whom this delicate task has been simultaneously
confided. In the hope that you will share this, my anxiety, and
attaching due weight to your standing and well-matured experience, I
beg to be favored, in return, with a copy of the note or notes you
may have passed to the Brazilian government in reference to this
matter. Such co-operation heartily continued would certainly obviate
many difficulties and facilitate the realization of the humane
wishes of our government for the benefit, of ail the contending
parties.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
His Excellency General J. Watson Webb,
Minister Plenipotentiary of the United
States to Brazil.
