Papers Relating to Foreign Affairs, Accompanying the Annual Message of the President to the Second Session of the Fortieth Congress
Mr. Dix to Mr. Seward
Sir: I have the honor to enclose, 1st, a copy of the speech of the Emperor at the opening of the legislative session yesterday from the imperial press; and 2d, a copy of Galignani of to-day, giving an account of the ceremonies and a translation of the speech.
The recall of the French troops from Mexico and the close of the rather curt allusion of the Emperor to the United States, were received with very marked approbation by the members of both the legislative bodies.
I am, with distinguished consideration, your obedient servant,
Hon. Willam H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.
Speech of the Emperor.
Messieurs les Sénateurs, Messieurs les Députés: Since your last session gravé events have occurred in Europe. Although they surprised the world by their rapidity as well as by the importance of their results, it seems that, according to the previsions of the Emperor, they were fatally destined to be accomplished. Napoleon said at $t. Helena, “One of my greatest ideas was the agglomeration and concentration of the same geographical [Page 232] nations which revolutions and politics have broken up and divided. * * * That union will take place sooner or later by the force of events; the impulsion is already given, and I do not think that after my fall and the disappearance of my system there is in Europe any other great equilibrium than the agglomeration and confederation of the great populations. The transformations which have been effected in Italy and Germany are preparing the realization of the vast programme of a union of the states of Europe into a single confederation.”
The spectacle of the efforts attempted by neighboring nations to bring together their members, scattered for so many centuries past, cannot excite uneasiness in a country like our own, all parts of which, irrevocably linked together, form a homogeneous and indestructible body.
We witnessed with impartiality the struggle which was engaged in on the other side of the Rhine. In presence of that conflict the country had plainly testified its desire to remain a stranger to it. Not only did I defer to that wish, but I used all my efforts to hasten the conclusion of peace. I did not arm one additional soldier; I did not advance one regiment; and yet the voice of France had influence enough to arrest the conqueror at the gates of Vienna. Our mediation produced between the belligerents an accord which, leaving to Prussia the result of her success, preserved to Austria, except one province, the integrity of her territory; and, by the cession of Venetia, completed Italian independence. Our action was, therefore, exercised in the views of justice and conciliation; France did not draw the sword, because her honor was not engaged, and because she had promised to observe a strict neutrality. [Approbation]
In another quarter of the globe we were obliged to have recourse to force to redress legitimate wrongs, and we endeavored to again raise up an ancient empire. The fortunate results at first obtained were compromised by a deplorable concurrence of circumstances. The idea which had presided over the expedition to Mexico was a grand one: to regenerate a people; to implant amongst them ideas of order and of progress; to open to our commerce vast outlets, and to leave, as the trace of our passage, the memory of services rendered to civilization. Such was my desire as well as yours. But, in the day when the extent of our sacrifices appeared to me to go beyond the interest which had called to us from the other side of the Atlantic, I spontaneously decided on the recall of our army. [Loud applause.]
The government of the United States comprehended that an attitude of a non-conciliatory character could only have the effect of prolonging the occupation and envenoming relations which, for the advantage of the two countries, ought to remain of a friendly character. [Approbation.]
In the east troubles have burst out, but the great powers are concerting together to bring about a situation which should satisfy the legitimate demands of the Christian populations, reserve the rights of the Sultan, and prevent dangerous complication.
At Rome we have faithfully executed the convention of September 15. The government of the Holy Father has entered on a new phase. Delivered to itself, it remains firm by its own forces, by the veneration which all feel for the head of the Catholic church, and by the superintendence which is loyally exercised on the frontiers by the Italian government. But if demagogical conspirators should endeavor, in their audacity, to menace the temporal power of the holy see, Europe, I have not the slightest doubt, would not permit an event of such a character to take place, calculated as it would be to cause so great a disturbance in the Catholic world. [Marks of assent.]
I have only to congratulate myself on my relations with foreign powers. Our connection with England becomes every day more intimate through the conformity of our policy and the multiplicity of our commercial relations. Prussia seeks to avoid everything that might awaken our national susceptibilities, and agrees with us on the principal European questions. Russia, animated by conciliatory intentions, is disposed not to separate in the east her policy from that of France. It is the same with the empire of Austria, the greatness of which is indispensable to the general equilibrium. A recent treaty of commerce has created new ties between the two countries. Lastly, Spain and Italy maintain with us a sincere understanding. [Approbation.]
Thus, therefore, nothing, in present circumstances, can awaken our uneasiness, and I have the firm conviction that peace will not be disturbed. [Loud applause.]
Assured as to the present, and confident in the future, I thought that the moment was come to develop our institutions. Every year you expressed to me a desire for such a course; but, convinced with reason that progress is only accomplished by harmony between the various powers, you placed in me, and I thank you for it, your confidence to decide on the moment when I should believe in the possibility of realizing your views. At present, after fifteen years of calm and prosperity, due to our common efforts and to your profound devotedness to the institutions of the empire, it has appeared to me that the hour was come to adopt the liberal measures which were alike in the thought of the Senate and the aspirations of the legislative body. I respond, then, to your expectation, and, without departing from the constitution, I propose certain laws to you which offer new guarantees for political liberties. [Loud applause.]
The nation which renders justice to my efforts, and which again recently, in Lorraine, gave such touching proofs of its attachment to my dynasty, will exercise those new rights judiciously. Justly anxious for its own tranquillity and prosperity, it will continue to disdain [Page 233] dangerous Utopian ideas and party provocations. As for you, gentlemen, of whom the immense majority have constantly sustained my courage in that ever difficult task of governing a nation, you will continue to be, with me, the faithful guardians of the real interests and grandeur of the country. [Renewed acclamations.]
Those interests impose on us obligations which we shall know how to fulfil. France is respected abroad—the army has shown its valor, but the conditions of warfare being changed, the increase of our national forces is required, and we must organize ourselves in such a manner as to be invulnerable. The bill, which has been prepared with the greatest care, lightens the burden of the conscription in time of peace, offers considerable resources in time of war, and, by distributing in a just measure the charges among all, satisfies the principle of equality. It has all the importance of an iustitution, and will be, I am convinced, accepted with patriotism. The influence of a nation depends on the number of men it can place under arms. Do not forget that the neighboring states impose on themselves much heavier sacrifices for the effectual constitution of their armies, and have their eyes fixed on you, to judge, by your resolutions, whether the influence of Prance is to increase or diminish in the world. [Applause.]
Let us always hold our national flag at the same height as at present; that is the most certain means of preserving peace, and such peace must be rendered fruitful by alleviating distiresses and augmenting the general well-being.
We have been tried by cruel visitations in the course of the past year, for inundations and epidemics have desolated some of our departments. Beneficence has relieved individual sufferings, and credits will be asked of you to repair the disasters occasioned to public properties. In spite of these partial calamities the progress of the general prosperity has not slackened. During the last financial year the indirect revenues have increased by 50 millions, and our foreign commerce by more than 1,000 millions. The gradual amelioration of our finances will soon allow a large satisfaction to be given to the agricultural and economic interests on which light has been thrown by the inquiry opened in all parts of the territory. Our solicitude will then have for object the reduction of certain taxes which weigh too heavily on landed property, and the speedy completion of our channels of internal navigation, of our ports, of our railways, and, above all, of our vicinal roads, the indispensable agents of a just distribution of the produce of the soil.
Last year bills were brought before you on primary instruction and on co-operative society. You will approve, I do not doubt, of the provisions which they contain. They will ameliorate the moral and material condition of the rural population and of the working classes of our large cities.
Thus every year opens a new horizon to our meditations and our efforts. Our task at this moment is to form the public manners to the practice of more liberal institutions. Until now, in France liberty has only been ephemeral; it has not been able to take root in the soil, because abuse has immediately followed its usage, and the nation has preferred limiting the exercise of its rights to submitting to disorder in ideas as in things. It is worthy of you and of me to make a larger application of those great principles which are the glory of France, and their development will not compromise, as formerly, the necessary prestige of authority. The government is at present founded; and ardent passions, the only obstacle to the expansion of our liberties, will be extinguished in the immensity of universal suffrage. I have full confidence in the good sense and patriotism of the people, and strong in my right, which I hold from them, strong in my conscience, which only desires good, I invite you to advance with me, with an assured step, in the path of civilization. [Loud and long-continued acclamations.]