Mr. Peck to Mr. Seward.
Sir: I had the honor, in despatch No. 34, (dated July 14, 1866,) to report to you that the threatening insurrection which had been in progress for some time at Gonaives had collapsed. Since that meeting the encouragement given by the auspicious event thus reported has been clouded by occurrences of a less hopeful character.
The affair at Gonaives was hardly over before a bold attempt, evidently with a political purpose, was made to burn the city of Haytian. Fortunately the proposed mischief was checked before it had reached a great head. Only one square of the town was destroyed.
Then an assault was made by Salnave upon Mirabali, the strongest post on the northeastern frontier. Three attacks made by the partisan leader, on as many different days, were repulsed. Finding that he could not carry his points by coup de main, Salnave turned the position and entered the Haytian territory. The report of the incursion caused a general and profound excitement.
And this excitement was fanned by a report that the valley of the Artibonite had risen. What truth there was in this report is not yet known. It is only certain that the government immediately sent troops somewhere to the north.
Then, on the 29th ultimo, this city was anew excited by the arrest on political grounds of two leading citizens, and an attempt to arrest four others, who took refuge in the British consulate, and by a speech from the President to his troops, in which his excellency said, that it had been discovered that there was on foot an active conspiracy, having both home and foreign ramifications, with its centre in this city, the object of which conspiracy was to assassinate himself, and, if necessary, to fire the towns, and finally to overthrow the government. Further, that his excellency, although he had sometimes thought of resigning, had now determined to retain his office, and still further that he had concluded to lay aside mild measures and resort to the most forcible means.
* * * * * * * *
During the week subsequent to the adoption of these measures, a courier brought to the government tidings from Jacmel, in the south, (hitherto the most quiet part of the republic,) which led to the sending of troops to that point.
And, finally, the chambers last week called the ministers sharply to account for alleged neglect and waste of the public funds. A stormy debate followed. A sad state of things in the treasury department, for which it would seem that the President, the cabinet, the chambers, and the public are about equally responsible, was revealed. Three of the ministers, Messrs. Elie, Deslandes, and Phillipeaux, resigned. The vacancies have been filled by the appointment of General Depuis as minister of finance and foreign affairs, General Hector as minister of war, and M. Laboutie, as minister of justice. The change involves no change of policy. It will affect the department of foreign relations only in that it puts aside Mr. Elie, whose ability, comprehensive and just views and courteous manners made him a favorite with the diplomatic corps. General Depuis is an enlightened and travelled man, and will favor a liberal foreign policy.
The temper of the President still inclines to severity. In a speech to his troops, he said, yesterday, that he was more and more determined to be a ruler in fact, as well as in name. He should allow mercy to bias justice no more. It would be idle for any one in the future to ask him to spare a life condemned for political offences. He would pardon no more. The man convicted for conspiracy should be shot, whoever he might be.
[Page 523]Meantime the spirit of the opponents of the government daily grows more bitter, and curses of the President, if spoken in a lower tone, are more energetic than ever before.
There are, however, some compensations for these inauspicious agitations, irritations, and changes. 1. Salnave is evidently losing both his resources and his prestige. He has but a handful of men. It has lately transpired that his recent entry in Haytien territory was forced by the active measures against him of Pimental and Cabral, who are determined that the great agitator shall no longer have shelter on the Dominican side. The capture of the part of his baggage containing his papers has put the government in possession of information which will be effectively used against him. His power to do mischief seems to be approaching its end. 2. The failure of each new conspiracy is weakening the vital force of the revolutionary element, and proving to the country that insurrection is no longer a cure for political evils. 3. The debates in the chambers are uncovering wrongs which have been too long hidden, and, what is more, are restoring to the country that freedom of discussion in the public councils which President Geffrard repressed three years ago.
But, to make the best of everything, the condition of public affairs is deplorable. The situation may be thus described. The President is thoroughly, but in large measure, unreasonably hated by the majority of the people. The government, as a whole, commands no respect; it rules only by force. The people are without morals, and so are slow to learn the lessons which their experiment of so-called self-government brings to them. And under a thin crust of civilization there are lying dormant superstitions, traditions, and prejudices, the strength of which was proved in the drama of 1795. Fortunately, nature has imposed on these mischievous agencies the check of torpid dispositions. Ordinarily the people are as mild and orderly as any on which the sun shines; but their passions are easily aroused, and then they know neither reason nor fear. And the excitements which now prevail are bringing the fire fearfully near the magazine. Late events, especially the frequent incendiary fires, show that anarchy may suddenly spring up at an unexpected point and become epidemic. This is the present special peril of the country. Organised revolutions are not likely to do much more mischief, but an outburst of the passions of the rabble is imminent. The fear of such a catastrophe is becoming very prevalent among thinking people. Our consuls write me from all sides that the future is awaited by those about them with dread. The letter which accompanies this despatch, written by Mr. Loring, who at different times has acted as United States consul at Aux Cayes, and who has long resided in the country, fairly represents the apprehensions to which I refer.
It is to be hoped that President Geffrard, having put the bit upon the revolutionary element proper, will also be able to curb the spirit of anarchy which has already flung the torch into four cities. If he does this he will deserve well, not only of his country, but of the world.
And in this connection I beg leave to come again to a subject to which I have so frequently called the attention of the department that I am ashamed to recur to it, and to say that, in my opinion, the protection afforded by our navy to American interests, and to the interests of civilization and humanity in this and the neighboring republic, is seriously inadequate. It cannot be doubted, that it is important to our country that good government and stable society be maintained on this island, and that St. Domingo do not again become a hell of horrors, which would send its destructive anarchies through all the creole communities of the Caribbean. It is equally clear that a suitable part of our naval force, rightly employed, would, not less by its moral than by its physical power, accomplish valuable results in both of these directions. But during the last year, in which there has been in both parts of the island a constant succession of political agitations which has repeatedly brought society to the verge of anarchy. The admiral has not been here for a day, while our ships of war have come at [Page 524] long intervals, and ordinarily in a merely routine way, and have tarried longest at points where they were comparatively least needed, and have, with but two exceptions, brought orders which have prevented their remaining in these waters even at the call of pressing need.
It is not for me to suggest what service should take the place of that which our squadron now renders here, but I would earnestly implore the department to request the Hon. Secretary of the Navy to send the admiral, or some other prominent officer, here without delay, so that it may be determined by competent professional authority, which has had personal observation for a guide, whether a new system of naval service in these waters is not needed. I may be excused if I add that if the Secretary of the Navy knew to what an expense of time, labor, care, and money, the coming of our naval vessels exposes me, he would readily believe that my motive in writing as I have done is not a personal one.
This despatch will probably be the last I shall send to the department during the first year of my occupancy of office here. I pray God, that if my official duties shall reach into another year, or other years, the topics of my despatches may be more cheerful than those which I have necessarily presented to the department during the last year.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.