On the 1st instant I attended, by invitation of Mr. Volio, the minister
of foreign relations, the opening session of Congress for 1866, and on
the 8th the inauguration of President José Maria Castro. The notable
ceremonies on the latter occasion consisted in a valedictory address,
read by the outgoing, and an inaugural oration read by the incoming
president, which, in the Spanish originals and translations, I enclose
herewith, (enclosures Nos. 1 and 2.) Then followed high mass and Te Deum
at the cathedral, during which a priest repeated in a sermon the
principal points of the famous late allocution and syllabus of the Pope,
and condemned with emphatic and perfectly plain words, as one of the
new-fangled ideas of these corrupt times, the doctrine that the rulers
existed for the people—on the contrary, the people existed for the
rulers. Having listened to this refreshing episode of mediæval
Catholicism, we returned to the
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palace, where, by appointment, the diplomatic and consular corps were
received by the President in his cabinet, assisted by Mr. Volio, on
which occasion Mr. Mathew, her Britannic Majesty’s envoy extraordinary,
read the address, copy of which I submit, (enclosure No. 3,) which had
been agreed upon between him and myself, and had previously been
communicated through Mr. Volio to the President. Spanish original and
translation of the latter’s reply you will find in enclosure No. 4. We
then went to the late President’s to pay him a valedictory visit.
Besides the usual amount of cannonading, military parading, musical
performances by the combined four bands of the country, fire-works,
illumination and bell ringing, the principal feature of the day was a
supper, given by the Club of Friends, vulgo Montealege’s Club, to which
the President, the ministers, the commanding general, Mr. Mathew and
myself, were invited as guests. This occurrence is looked upon as a
reconciliation of enmities of long standing and as foreboding the most
cheering results for Mr. Castro’s administration and the future of the
republic. I can only say that as to appearances, the utmost good feeling
seemed to prevail, and that if acts may be divined by words, all
animosity and contention were buried for evermore.
I have the honor, sir, to be, most respectfully, your obedient
servant,
No. 2.
[Translation.]
Inaugural address of President J. M.
Castro to the legislative
chambers.
Messrs. Senators and Representatives:
Obedient to the call, as honorable as unanimous, which the people of
Costa Rica have just made to me, I have, complying with my
patriotism and my gratitude, stepped forward to contract with
manliness and determination a compromise the most grave and
solemn.
I propose to fulfil it comformably to the sovereign will of the same
population who have trusted me with their confidence. They desire
peace and tranquillity; I will presume to maintain them. They desire
progress; I will work to promote it.
Peace with foreign countries rests upon well known bases, which I
will heed carefully, the strict observance of the law of nations,
and the procuring of the means of material defence
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for cases in which this may be
undertaken without unjustifiable temerity. Those laws prescribe
civility, dignity, good faith, loyalty, and frankness in foreign
relations, fidelity in complying with treaties, respect for the
sovereignty and interests of other states, and a rigorous observance
of the principle of non-intervention which our traditions highly
recommend. A republic like ours must not assume other burdens nor
responsibilities but those needful for her conservation and
improvement.
I desire that my country, though she cannot be dreaded by her power,
be respected for her equity and prudence, so that every offence done
to her be branded with the anathema of the civilized world. We have
no fleets, let us have the sympathy of the nations.
Tranquillity demands that the measures and orders of the executive as
well as those of the other powers accord with the constitution and
laws, and that they be issued without considering personal affection
or hatred, and with no other end in view but justice and the common
good. There is nothing more contrary to the constitutional
guarantees, nothing that more embitters men’s feelings, and nothing
more odious and punishable than the unlawful interference of the
nation’s chief with judicial proceedings. I will abstain therefrom
resolutely and with an inflexible determination.
The civilization of the century has defined political and religious
liberty and elevated them to the position of a dogma of peace and
prosperity. I acknowledge them as such, and shall know now to
respect and sustain them. I am of opinion that every attack upon
constituted authority must be punished energetically; but I believe
equally firmly that opinions and acts that do not inculcate laws and
have no tendency of disturbing public order, ought not to be
suppressed. I am of opinion that the expression of truth, even the
most bitter, is welcome to a ruler who like me has the fortitude
before it to renounce his errors and the sincere desire to make it
the basis of his acts. I am, in fine, of opinion that every orderly
and courteous discussion enlightens, and that the lonely words of
bad passions are feeble against a government abounding by its
legitimity and rectitude in moral weapons of defence.
I do not take up the standard of these principles with the illusion
that they will sustain me, but the men of true patriotism have to do
that. I will have to refuse a great deal, to do a great many things,
and perhaps to undertake reforms of the nature which cannot be
realized without affecting private interests. There are few hearts
that will suffer as much as mine in paying no attention to the
convenience of individuals or families when that course is demanded
by the demands of the whole society, but perhaps few minds are so
resolute to fulfil that painful duty. I am preoccupied against that
sentimentality, the source of almost all my past mistakes on the
same rough path I am to-day undertaking. Ruler in my youth, then
outlaw, and thereupon for eight years to this day devoted to the
administration of justice without any personal consideration, I am
not the man of yesterday. Those who look for that in me will be
undeceived, and will turn a cold shoulder to the government and
become its antagonists. My true friends, however, will remain
faithful and be so every day more, and a like course I anticipate
from those who have chosen me as centre of their patriotic efforts
neither for lucre nor for contemptible passions. With the aid of
such good citizens, among which I class all high functionaries of
the country, I look with confidence upon the future, and promise to
maintain that peace and tranquillity in which my illustrious
predecessor leaves the republic.
The progress whereof these benefits are ever the first basis will do
away with many fancies, and I readily confess it will cost me much
to retain my own. There exists an urgent desire for improvements,
which will not wait for the right opportunity nor consult the
strength of the nation; there exists the pretension that in our soil
reforms and works should be realized immediately and simultaneously,
which even great nations were but able to perform successfully, and
with the assiduous work of years. There do, in fine, prevail
opinions that the government ought to remedy and do everything, and
a custom to make it responsible for even the natural and inevitable
troubles of the social movement. No ruler can satisfy such
demands.
I feel that our country, without ancient organizations, without
deeply rooted interests, and without abuses grown old, is one of
those most attractive for innovations. I feel, also, that in a
republic like ours, sparsely populated, and where there is a want of
large capital and great undertakers, who, producing a competence,
impart life to the development of all branches, is the spot where
progress, enterprises, and free association, that great lever of
modern civilization and motive power of so many improvements, most
need being stimulated by government.
But I also feel that reforms and new creations must be undertaken
gradually, in harmony with general opinion, time, necessities, and
means at hand, and that every precipitation in this regard does
ordinarily more harm than inaction. Among the attainable reforms, I
consider as urgent to simplify the public administration, so far as
good service permits and economy in money and men demands it, to
which every government ought to incline as much as towards
conservation and development of revenues. I think that, considering
the proportion and circumstances of our people, that administration
is excessively costly.
The reform of some of the existing laws and regulations, also, is
urgent, but not to such degree.
The material situation of a political commonwealth is so intimately
enlaced with the intellectual one, the one is the complement of the
other, and that both require equal attention on the part of the
government.
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I think that roads, immigration, and public instruction must continue
the cardinal points of that attention for the period to-day
beginning.
As to roads, it is but just that I should give preference to that
which will put us in more immediate communication with Europe and
North America, and which holds out a direct, quick, secure, and
cheap commerce by the waters of the Atlantic, together with many
other benefits concealed to nobody.
Which should be the route to take—that problem is already solved. The
work is begun, and I have nothing to do but to prosecute it with
equal firmness, with the same means, or others that necessity or
convenience may recommend, unless that a contract for an
interoceanic railroad should save us the laborious work of
continuing it.
We all know that the powerfulness of a nation is in direct proportion
to its population, and that ours falls far short of corresponding to
the extent and the natural advantages of its soil. With pride do we
observe the difference between what we were thirty years ago and
what we are this day; and there are certainly few who disown how
much influence in the slow but sure development of our wealth, in
the improvement of our civilization, our industry and arts, had the
foreigners whom we received as brethren, and who have shown
themselves worthy of such reception.
Thus it seems useless to dwell on the importance of immigration, to
say that we ought endeavor to stimulate it by removing all obstacles
in its way. The principal one of these obstacles is the absence of a
road to the Atlantic, fortunately already undertaken, and the want
of laws offering to the immigrant material advantages apt to induce
him, facilities in acquiring naturalization by removing the
requisite term of residence, and with one word promising to him to
find in our country the lap of a good mother.
The question of creeds, which in other countries has proven the
strongest hindrance of emigration, do fortunately offer no
impediments in Costa Rica. Our institutions guarantee the freedom of
worship, our people are naturally tolerant, and the ministers of our
holy religion, in their moralizing mission of peace, fraternity, and
humility, do not forget the injunction of their. Divine Master, when
he, teaching love to our fellow men, admitted as such the Samaritan
who had just practiced charity.
The immigration of people brings with it that of enlightenment, and
the day will come when the development of this can be left to the
free and vigorous action of private interest.
Meantime it is necessary that government continue to take care to
sustain and ameliorate public instruction in all its branches and
all its scales.
Since modern philosophy has given new direction to human
intelligence, science consists in ameliorating the condition of man,
in affording him benefits, in augmenting his honest enjoyments, and
in diminishing and softening his sufferings and afflictions.
This principle, to-day generally recognized, is the one which must
preside in the public instruction of the country. We have,
therefore, to insist that the old scholastic doctrine be boldly
abandoned, and that in place of sterile and stationary abstractions,
utility and progress be introduced.
I will toil to maintain peace and tranquillity, and to urge on the
progress of my country by the means stated. With the hope of
procuring it, I have accepted the power in which, without
distinction of political colors, I will listen to as many persons of
merit as will comply with the duty to assist me with their
knowledge. My administration does not proceed from contests, nor is
it inaugurated upon the ruins of any party. Its banner is the
national one, and its object the welfare of Costa Rica as a
whole.
I have laid before you, Messrs. Senators and Representatives, the
sentiments, principles, and opinions which shall direct my
administrative acts, as chief of the nation and executor of her
laws, your approbation would be my best guarantee of their
advisability; your indications would be my guide; your support my
principal moral strength.
Under such auspices I might be able, in addition to the good which my
worthy predecessor, whom I cordially felicitate, bequeaths to do,
that to which I incline myself, and surrender in due time, and with
honor in this same place, the presidency of the republic.
Gentlemen, magistrates of the supreme court of justice, your circle I
have left to govern the country. There I have passed the happiest
days of my public life. I shall never forget how much I owe to the
learning and probity wherewith you have performed your functions,
nor the kindness and confidence by which you have distinguished
me.
I trust that the harmony which during the last two periods of the
executive power existed between it and the supreme tribunal, aiding
each other reciprocally within the limits of the law, will continue
unaltered.
Accept, Messrs. Magistrates, my gratitude, and as its consequence,
the pain wherewith I take leave of you.
