Mr. Yeaman to Mr. Seward.
Sir: Within a few days past some of the leading journals of the different capitals of Europe have discussed with much interest and earnestness a treaty positively alleged to have been proposed between Prussia and Sweden, of most serious import to Denmark; indeed, looking ultimately to nothing less than the partition of the kingdom between them—Jutland to Prussia, and these splendid islands to Sweden.
It was affirmed, in the same connection, that Denmark had made a counter move by offering to become a member of the north German confederation, now being formed under the lead of Prussia, upon condition of having the two duchies restored to her.
Upon inquiries among those of my colleagues who would be interested, and at the Foreign Office, I am assured that no credit is attached to the report in official circles here, and that in fact it has no foundation except in the wishes of some who would like to see it accomplished, and who, as Count Frys observed, make the report in order to attract public attention to the subject and accustom the public mind to it. He is entirely confident that no danger at present threatens Denmark.
The fact that the matter has been so seriously discussed by some who believed it true, gives occasion for some reflections upon it. It cannot be denied that if such a scheme had existed or been proposed, it would have been in harmony with the desires of some, and with the discoverable apprehensions of others here. As such matters have heretofore been received and estimated, the scheme would seem to be preposterous, as all the motives which could be supposed to influence England, Russia, France, and Austria, would combine them against it, [Page 173] while its consummation might strongly invite attack and absorption as against Sweden.
Yet another set of reasoners or foreboders here assert that the opposition of Russia to an increase of Scandinavian power, and to the possession of the narrow channels by any great power, and even her own closer alliance with Denmark, would all go for nothing if the dissolution of the kingdom would open or facilitate the way for Russian maritime and territorial expansion westward, by giving occasions for the execution of designs often attributed to her.
The interference of the great powers in such matters, when nothing further than to preserve the existence of a small state is concerned, does not seem to be counted upon as confidently as formerly. The comparative withdrawal of England from European affairs, the tendency of France to use diplomacy rather than force, and the growing disposition of all Europe to let the condition of Turkey come to a final solution, even if it must be by closing the European career of that great but decayed power, are all observable and indicative. The habit of interference was in great part dynastic in its instincts and objects, and dynasties are now admitted, even by those interested in their preservation, not to be so important as they were once thought to be. It has interested me to observe the representatives of some of the greatest monarchs of earth rejecting with a smile the idea that the matrimonial alliances of courts would any longer influence governments either in going to war or in not doing it.
If the modern growth of liberal and constitutional ideas, the government of a country by the country, and the unity of government on the basis of nationality of peoples, and of commercial and naval advantages, are to have many good effects, among them that of lessening both the disposition and the capacity for interference, they may also have the unpleasant one of causing the disappearance of several interesting and well-governed small powers.
It is quite plain that the late attempt at European interference on the American continent, or rather the now generally admitted failure of that attempt, has had a most beneficial effect upon European political sentiment, in depreciating the current political and personal value of a dynasty, and by impressing upon governments the fitness and profit of each one devoting its energies to its own internal affairs. The liberal party of Europe would deem it a calamity to be felt wherever their principles have a foothold, if by any means their present expectations of an early termination of that foreign occupation and interference should be disappointed.
I must disclaim all desire of making comments upon the affairs of other governments than the one to which I am accredited, any further than is needed to suggest how and in what degree their course and policy may affect the interests of Denmark, or to explain her own present and future relations to her neighbors.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your most obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.