[Translation.]

Mr. Romero to Mr. Seward

Mr. Secretary: There has come into my hands a memorandum which contains some considerations on the question about Mexico, treated from the point of view of the laws of nations in what regards the United States. Without expressing at present any opinion respecting it, much less asking it from the government of the United States, I confine myself to sending to you a copy of said memorandum.

I avail of this opportunity to renew to you, Mr. Secretary, the assurance of my most distinguished consideration.

M. ROMERO.

Hon. William H. Seward, &c., &c., &c.

Memorandum.

Whatever were the causes which led to the war between France and Mexico, when it occurred it assumed the character of a war between two sovereign and independent nations. In such a war the United States had no right to interfere, for, in accordance with established principles of international law, the federal government was in duty bound to observe a strict neutrality. But after the occupation of the city of Mexico by the French, their real policy and intentions were unmasked. New tactics were at once adopted, which changed the entire aspect of affairs.

Former grievances were lost sight of; claims for indemnities and spoliations ceased to be the order of the day. Assisted by a few leading and influential Mexicans, France set to work to remodel the political status of the country, and succeeded in organizing an imperial party, representing the minority, in opposition to the republican party, representing the majority. Hostilities ensued between the two, and civil war was inaugurated. In his last annual message to Congress, President Lincoln, alluding to the situation of affairs in Mexico, took this view in declaring that civil war was still raging in that country.

This change of policy on the part of France changed the position of the United States in reference to the Mexican question. The war assumed a new form, and, from one waged between two nations, degenerated into a struggle for supremacy between two parties. If the French considered themselves justified in maintaining by force of arms one of these parties, the United States had undoubtedly the right to give their support to the other. International law no longer compelled them to observe a neutrality.

What was the result of this state of things? Simply that the imperial party, supported by French bayonets, and countenanced by other European governments, who suffered the newly-proclaimed sovereign of Mexico to contract loans and enlist soldiers in their midst, obtained the ascendancy over an adversary who was fighting, and still continues to fight, alone, unaided even with the moral support of the United States.

The United States have always proclaimed themselves to be the protectors of their sister [Page 604] republics on the American continent What hopes can the latter entertain of their future security when they see a great republic, of which they are the feeble imitators, assisting with indifference to the spectacle of a handful of foreign soldiers successfully progressing, on her very borders, in the work of erecting a government framed and fashioned on the European plan? What will be their reflections when they discover that the United States have nothing but words to offer to friends steadfast in their attachment from motives both of interest and sympathy?

If, through the instrumentality of the United States, a republic should be reared and fostered on the frontiers of France or of Russia, would these nations be indifferent to the event and accept the situation? Unquestionably not. For similar and more cogent reasons the United States cannot suffer the establishment, on the confines of their territory, of a monarchy created and maintained by foreign arms.

The United States have no more co-operated in safeguarding and perpetuating republican institutions in Mexico than the diminutive States of Central America, who have thought it sufficient to protest against this interference and encroachment on the part of European powers. But what may seem a matter of satisfaction to the pride of those states cannot be regarded in that light by so great and formidable a nation as the United States. The question at issue cannot remain in suspense; the United States must pursue one course or another—either to interfere actively in behalf of republican principles, and against the French occupation in Mexico, or to recognize Maximilian, and concede forever to European nations the right of an armed intervention in the domestic concerns of the republics on the American continent. Let the United States make this sacrifice, for they will then at least be spared, in the eyes of the world, the ridicule and mortification of not possessing the requisite energy to handle and settle a question of paramount interest to themselves, and in which the right is incontestably on their side.