The constitutional president of the Mexican republic, to whose
knowledge such letter came, did not think it decorous to occupy
himself in answering it, in order not to enter into any relations
with an usurper who was speculating on the misfortunes of Mexico.
Nevertheless the contradictions between what the Archduke Maximilian
asserted he would do in Mexico before he went to the republic, and
what he has done since his arrival in Mexican territory, is
noticeable. He then gave assurance “that he was far from imposing
himself on the Mexicans by foreign force and against their will” and
he was shortly afterwards sent there by the Emperor of the French,
and since his arrival has been sustained in the places he has
occupied by foreign bayonets. He made an appearance of respecting
the right which every independent nation has of freely disposing of
its destinies, whilst now he is busied in compelling the Mexican
people to accept, by force of arms, a form of government entirely
foreign to them, and to which they have clearly enough demonstrated
that they will never submit. He then expressed the wish to call
together all the strength of the country, without distinction of
party, and to place himself in accord with the principal men of the
liberal party, and afterwards he was converted into a blind
instrument of the French to exterminate by means of courts-martial
all the Mexican patriots who deemed it their duty to take up arms in
defence of the independence of their country.
Lastly, it is to be noted that on the 16th of March, 1864, he still
styled the constitutional president of Mexico the legitimate chief of the country when the French attempted
to cause it to be believed that the national government of Mexico
had disappeared a year previous—that is, since the 31st of May,
1863, when said government left the city of Mexico.
It is very satisfactory to me to avail of this opportunity to renew
to you, Mr. Secretary, the assurances of my very distinguished
consideration.
[Enclosure No. 1.—Translation.]
From the official paper No. 112, of the
constitutional government of the Mexican republic, published at
Chihuahua, Saturday, July 29, 1865.
United States of
Colombia—Senate of the plenipotentiaries—Report of a
committee.
Citizen Senators: The subject submitted
to the discussion of this honorable assembly is that of the
legislative body of the nation should offer a homage of
admiration to the republican hero of Mexico—to the Señor Benito
Juarez.
There it nothing more just, gentlemen, than this thought, nothing
greater and more worthy of a generous people than to honor in
men the noble sentiments which constitute virtue. If there be
any merit in impugning vice and iniquity, it is almost
obligatory upon us, proper to decorum, to bow down our heads
before political honesty; yes, gentlemen, before the political
probity which is the true phoenix of the age in which we live.
It seems that Providence has created Europe to maintain in it
the traditions of royalty and despotism, as it created America,
with an intervening ocean, for democracy and republican
institutions. But the proud despots of that Old World, with the
mad design of changing that Divine law of the Creator, have
overleaped the seas, and unfurled upon the virgin soil of
America a monarchical banner; this duty has been assigned to the
imperial house of Austria, which is most justly termed by the
poets “the prison keeper of nations.” A prince of that
unfortunate house, backed by forty thousand French soldiers, and
by a few hundred traitors, is he who has assumed upon the
beautiful soil of the Montezumas the title of emperor. You,
gentlemen, know very well, that in order to consummate so
iniquitous an outrage it became necessary for three great powers
of Europe—England, Spain, and France—to coalesce; and how,
subsequently, in imitation of Pontius Pilate, the first two have
washed their hands of it, without the certainty of their having
washed them very clean, throwing upon the third the consequences
of the treacherous crime of these three powers.
Mr. Thiers has stated, within the halls of the legislative
chambers of France, during the session of the 26th of January,
1864, all that is desirable to say upon this subject He
explains, in the clearest manner, the origin of this scheme, the
diverse demands of the invading powers, and the results to be
accomplished for the benefit of France. Time will tell us by and
by whether the predictions of this statesman shall be realized
or not, or whether the will of God shall permit that more shall
be accomplished than what his voice could give utterance to, in
the presence of the assembled Congress of his country. But,
notwithstanding this great league, notwithstanding the veteran
army of the Emperor Napoleon, notwithstanding the traitors and
the new Franco-Austrian empire, a magistrate arises, sustained
by loyal Mexicans, ready to bear aloft with firmness the
standard of the republic, and to prevent the ruin of a
legitimate government. This magistrate is the eminent American,
Señor Benito Juarez.
Permit me, therefore, citizen senators, to dwell for a while upon
the eminent personage whose name has already acquired a
world-wide renown, and to whose solid virtues all elevated and
just men, from every quarter of the globe, are compelled to do
reverence.
Señor Juarez was born some fifty-eight years ago, in a humble
village of the state of Oa-jaca, called Jatlan, and which to-day
bears the name of its illustrious son. Even when a child, he one
day bent his steps towards the gates of the capital of that
state to solicit some occupation through which he might earn an
honest living. He was at once admitted as a servant into the
house of a wealthy gentleman, who, foreseeing his natural
abilities and genius, caused him to be well educated. With the
support alone of that kind friend he rises rapidly through his
own merits, and attains the brilliant position of president of
the supreme court of the republic—member of the national
Congress—governor of his native state—secretary to the executive
power—and of president of the republic. What were the
distinguishing qualities of that American, that native,
descended from the caciques, in his various situations of
servant, master, lawyer, minister of justice, legislator,
secretary of state, and of president? I will here state them:
possessed of a pride which I shall call continental, or of that
of race, they were loyalty, honor, and firmness.
At his present age, and in view of a situation the most
difficult, complicated, and grave which can be presented to the
statesman, no one dares deny to him these high qualities whether
the judgment comes from his enemies or whether it originates
from friendly pens. Mr. Thiers himself, who with such profound
contempt speaks of the race from whom the. worthy president of
Mexico is descended, and to whom he says that it is only through
complacency that the name of the “Latin race “is given—Mr.
Thiers himself admits the pro bity, the force of character, the
persistency, the patience, and the prudence of the Indian
Juarez.
The celebated writer Emilio Castelas, the most brilliant and wise
apostle of democracy in Spain, while drawing a parallel between
Juarez and Lincoln, the most conspicuous representative of the
United States of America, gives vent to sentiments but too true,
and but too flattering to the native magistrate of the
unfortunate republic of Mexico. But why should I seek in foreign
opinions the intrinsicment—the just meed of praise to the man
who, himself, can even now see the position which history will
award to him hereafter—that skilful sculptor which never errs. I
shall now enter that field, though I may be deemed bold and
irreverent.
[Page 546]
He defends the capital, and causes Puebla to be defended to the
utmost extent possible to human efforts; but Puebla succumbs to
the necessities of the siege, to the number and resources of the
enemy.
President Juarez then removes the seat of his government to San
Luis Potosi, and thence still keeps alive in the hearts of the
nation the holy love of country; thence he holds aloft to the
Mexicans, and within the grip of his strong hand, the banner of
the constitutional government, pure, unsullied, and
unconquerable; thence he proclaims to his fellow-countrymen, and
to the people of the whole world, that the republic exists, that
she struggles for the defence of her independence, and that she
will, in the end, achieve it, because she disputes valiantly;
thence he procures resources, he organizes forces, and directs
the operations of the war; thence he “keeps alive with his
great’ example the sacred fire of the brave captains who sustain
him; thence he holds out against the imperial hosts, which
themselves prove their inability to conquer the country; thence
he speaks to his friends in the United States these noble words:
“but even as we are situated, we shall endeavor, with the help
of God, to defend our beloved Mexico; “thence he manages and
prepares the measures necessary to a vigorous, able, and
determined defence, and in which it is impossible for us to say
which is the greater—whether it be the efforts or the faith of
this wonderful patriot; thence he gives to the oppressed peoples
of the world living and speaking lessons, as to what they can
and must do in order not to suffer their liberties to be wrested
from them; thence he infuses into all noble minds this sublime
hope, that, if Mexico falls entirely into the maws of wolves
which have been sent to devour her, she shall fall as did
Francis I, with her honor untarnished.
It is likewise from that same seat of government (and this is the
measure which I consider the one, of all others, most worthy of
his life (that Señor Juarez, in his character
as a courteous and polite gentleman, replies to the
tempting letter of Prince Maximilian without descending even in
the smallest degree from his distinguished position as a
republican representative. That document alone suffices to cover
its author with glory, and to make his name immortal. But upon
this brilliant reply I cannot pass a final judgment without
quoting some of its passages; they are, gentlemen, as
follows:
“The spirit of French fillibusterism is seeking to endanger our
nationality; and I, who by my principles and my oaths am the one
called upon to uphold its national integrity, its sovereignty,
and its independence, must work incessantly, redoubling my
exertions to fulfil the sacred charge which the nation, in the
execise of her sovereign powers, has confided to me.
“I had previously noted, when the traitors of my country
presented themselves as commissioners at Miramar with the view
of tendering to you the crown of Mexico—sustained only by the
treacherous proceedings of ten towns of the nation—that you had
not seen, in all these proceedings, anything more than a
ridiculous farce, unworthy totally of being seriously considered
by an honorable and decent man. You replied to these frauds by
demanding the will of the nation, freely expressed, as the
result of its unanimous vote. Why, therefore, should I not be
surprised to see you come upon the Mexican soil when no measures
have been adopted respecting the conditions exacted? Why should
I now not be astonished when I find you
accepting the deceits of the traitors, adopting their language,
decorating and placing in your service bandits like Marquez and
Herran, and surrounding yourself with that low class of the
Mexican people? I have, frankly speaking, been greatly deceived.
I believed you to be one of those pure Organizations which
ambition could neither reach nor corrupt.”
What a lesson of decency and honesty thrown into the very teeth
of a proud descendant of Charles V by an humble republican!
“You tell me that peace will result from the conference Ave may
have, and with it the happiness of the Mexican people, and that
the empire will hereafter, by placing me in an important
position, have the benefit to* be derived from my knowledge and
the support of my patriotism. It is true, sir, cotemporaneous
history registers the names of great traitors who have proved
false to their oaths, their promises, and their words; who have
betrayed their former history, and everything that is sacred to
the man of honor; that in all these betrayals of all human
relations the traitor has been guided by the infamous ambition
of rule, and the vile desire of pandering to his own passions
and vices; but the present incumbent in the presidency of the
republic, who rose from the obscure masses of
the people, shall bow poor and full of misery if, in
the arcana of Providence, it has been
decreed that he shall so succumb; but complying with his oaths,
and meeting the hopes of the nation over which he presides, he
will thus satisfy the inspirations of his own conscience.” * *
*
It is, gentlemen, impossible to speak more boldly or more
worthily. It is not the pride of power which dictates these
words, but the loftiness of a pure conscience, of an upright
soul, and a calm heart. Juarez speaks to Maximilian as a
sovereign to a sovereign; but the one uses the sovereignty of
right, of reason, and of honor, while the other makes use of the
measures of the corrupting sovereignty of kings. The one
flatters with promises, and the other retorts upon him with the
code of justice and of honor. The one proposes ignominious
terms, the other repels infamy, and appeals to the judgment of
history to decide between them. The one speaks like the serpent
in paradise, with the view of seducing; the other, while
retorting, expresses himself in the words of a Bayard or of an
Armand Carrel.
The American statesman whom I have just described to you in a
rapid and incomplete
[Page 547]
manner; the upright functionary who contrasts so strongly with
so many others, traitors and perjurers; the honest man, who
prefers misery and death to ignominy, because the word duty flatters him more than the bright
decorations of a grand marshal; the Mexican who stood by the
constitutional government at the time of the disloyal
proceedings of President Comonfort; the genius who will
allay—doubt it not—the fearful storm which has recently swept
over the horizon of the New World, is he, citizen senators, to
whom it is proposed to you to do honor by the enactment of a
decree to that effect.
I cannot believe that there can be a single senator of Colombia
who will not promptly concur, with his vote, to the consecration
of a similar act which will do more honor to us than to the
immortal Juarez. I also speak in the same terms with reference
to members of the house of representatives.
The calm conscience of the president of Mexico needs no such
incentives, we are perfectly sure, to induce him to continue
fearlessly in the path of duty which he has followed to the
present hour, and to the admiration of mankind. But the morality
of the world must needs stamp upon its records this consolatory
truth: that nations moving collectively, tending ever to the
support of virtue, follow from afar—even though it be only with
the eye—both the great men and the most noted criminals.
Approve, therefore, gentlemen, of the decree which has been
proposed to you by the two honorable senators from the sovereign
state of Cauca, but approve it with the modifications which I
have taken the liberty of indicating to you in a separate
paper.
ALEJO MORALES.
Bogota, February 27,
1865.
[Enclosure No. 2.—Translation.]
General: After some conversation that
his Imperial Highness the Archduke had with you in London and at
Brussels, the thought struck him that a personal interview with
President Juarez might assist in smoothing the difficulties and
in enlightening him on the views of the Archduke for the good of
the country he is called to rule over.
It has always been far from the thought of the Archduke to wish
to let himself be imposed on the Mexicans by foreign force
against their will. He has too much respect for the right which
he acknowledges in every independent nation freely to dispose of
its fate, ever to consent that any violence should be done to it
as to the choice of its political institutions. Thus, the first
condition attached by the prince to the acceptance of the crown
has been the assent of the country; and if he is now ready to
assume the reins of government, it is because the acts of adhesion, coming from the
greatest part of the provinces of Mexico, authorize him to
believe that the nation, regarded generally, is favorable to a
change in its political forms, and to the establishment of a
constitutional monarchy under the sceptre of his Imperial
Highness.
If that monarchy is to be constituted, the Archduke is firmly
resolved to base it on the concurrence of all the force of the
country, without distinction of party. He wishes to labor
sincerely to found, in the supreme interest of the well-being of
the common country, political opinions which have too long
divided a nation worthy of better destinies. A frankly-loyal
effort on the part of the principal politicians of the liberal
party, and especially with him who has been until now the
legitimate head of the country, and whose political sentiments
the Archduke has never failed to appreciate, would aid
definitively in bringing about this end.
If Mr. Juarez shares this opinion, you might, general, by opening
to him the ideas which you have yourself heard from the prince,
and by reassuring the president on other points which are more
readily discussed in conversation, convey to him the hope that
his Imperial Highness would take care that it should be possible
for him to go, in perfect security, to some point of the
territory conveniently situated, there to meet with the
Archduke.
In case the president should wish to have this interview, which
would, without doubt, lead to happy results for the country, you
might, general, have the goodness to send notice to his Imperial
Highness through the medium of M. Jacques Kuhncherieh, his
treasurer, who is always in attendance on the prince’s person,
and is a perfectly safe man.
Please accept, general, the assurances of my high
consideration.
BARON DE PONT, Counsellor of his
Imperial Royal Apostolical
Majesty.
BRUSSELS, Hotel
Bellevue, 16th March,
1864.
