NEGOTIATION FOR THE TRANSIT OF UNITED STATES TROOPS, IN 1861, THROUGH MEXICAN TERRITORY.
Mr. Romero to Mr. Seward
Mr. Secretary: The government of Mexico has been informed that there exists in this country a numerous combination of persons, who, whether guided by a fanatic spirit professed in good faith, or swayed by motives of pecuniary interest, are actively at work on the project of extending the institution of slavery, not merely within the limits of the United States, with which Mexico could have nothing to do, but also into Mexican territory, for which they propose the acquisition of the largest possible part of that territory.
You will comprehend, sir, that these apprehensions are very far from being unfounded. Their best justification would be in an impartial and minute glance over the public events which have occurred in this country within the last seven months. The facts which present themselves to view, and which would sustain such apprehensions, are so numerous, that there is really a difficulty, not in finding them, but in knowing which of them to overlook.
Without intending to mix myself up in the slightest degree with internal questions of this country, I pray you, sir, to permit me to refer to them, considering them only in the aspect in which they affect the dearests interests of Mexico, and the integrity of its territory.
Public opinion in this country regards as the principal obstacle which conflicted with an arrangement by means of a compromise at the last session of the Congress of the United States of the difficulties stirred up long ago, and recently renewed with fresh vigor, the persistent manner in which the representatives of propagandist ideas insisted that in the arrangement which should be agreed upon there should be an express clause recognizing slavery in the territory which the United States might in future time acquire at the south. You will recollect, sir, that this forethought, contained in the propositions presented to the Senate in [Page 536] December of last year, by the Hon. J.J. Crittenden, senator from Kentucky’ procured for them the acceptableness which they found among such representatives of propagandism.
If these recent events were not still fresh in the memory of all, I should be sustained in my assertion by the speeches delivered in the Senate by the Hon. Henry Wilson, senator from Massachusetts, on the 21st of February last, and in the House of Representatives, on the 31st of January preceding, by the Hon. Charles Francis Adams, representative from the same State.
If from the bosom of the national representation of the country I may be allowed to pass to the assembly called “the peace conference” gathered in this city in February last, on the proposition of the State of Virginia, to seek a pacific solution of the difficulties which disturbed the nation, I find on foot the same obstacle to the completion of an arrangement; and, thanks to the fact that the persons gathered in this assemblage were animated, apparently, by a more sincere desire of reconciliation, and that there were no representatives there from the States which, up to that time, claimed to have reassumed their sovereignty, which are precisely those which contain some citizens professing with most zeal propagandist ideas, an arrangement was arrived at, which, by not acknowledging slavery in express terms, in the territory which might in future be acquired, did not receive in Congress the approval of the representatives of propagandism.
Passing from the discussion of the deliberative assemblies to that which some States of the south at present consider the supreme law of the land, it appears that paragraph 3d, of section 3d, of article 4th of the Constitution, adopted on the 11th of March last by the congress assembled at Montgomery, and ratified by various States of the Union, authorizes “the Confederate States of America” to acquire new territory; providing expressly that “in all that territory (that acquired in future) the institution of negro slavery as it now exists in the Confederate States shall be recognized and protected by Congress and by the territorial governments.”
The tone of the speeches which distinguished citizens of some of the southern States have delivered, as well in the halls of the Senate as in other places, and with different motives, the spirit of the publications by the press in the same States, and a multitude of other indications and demonstrations of great weight, which it would be prolix to refer to, manifest, in a manner which admits not the slightest doubt, that this combination of persons has a settled plan, well matured, thought over, and reckoned upon for a long time back, to acquire sooner or later, according as its possibility permits, all or a part of the territory of Mexico, for the purpose of introducing and developing therein what the said combination calls “its especial civilization,” the base and foundation of which is the institution of slavery, if faith is to be given to what was said by a distinguished citizen of Georgia, who might consider himself authorized to speak in the name of the combination, in a speech which he delivered at the city of Savannah on the 31st March last.
You will consider, sir, how great has been the interest with which the government of Mexico has followed the course of the political events which have developed themselves in this country, and how great its regret on perceiving the rise and progress of a danger which threatens to disturb its tranquillity and to strike at its very existence as an independent nation.
Mexico does not desire to exchange its nationality for any other, however flattering might be the advantages which might result from such change. It has the elements necessary for a sovereign power. It conquered through the blood of its children its desired independence, and will maintain it to the last extremity against any invader who may attempt to take it from her. Whatever may have been the intestine difficulties which may have taken place up to this time, and have contributed to restrain its material progress, it has the consciousness of the important character it is to represent in future among the family [Page 537] of nations. It holds an absolute faith in its future, and believes that so soon as the beneficent shadow of peace and of democratic institutions may develop its immense resources, and the fabulous wealth which its soil contains, it will occupy in the world the important part to which it is called by nature.
Mexico will never consent that any human being shall be reduced to slavery within its territory. It is a free country, in which no man is born a slave; and in treading upon which, liberty returns to those who may before have had the misfortune to lose it. Its constitution forbids that any treaty be made in which the extradition of slaves is stipulated.
It has entered into treaty with Great Britain that it will contribute to the abolition of the slave trade, and that it will not allow of slavery in its territories; and these provisions of its fundamental laws, and of its international engagements, have an indestructible sanction in the hearts of all Mexicans.
The government of Mexico, which understands and estimates at its value the respect for the laws professed by the citizens of the United States, and the good faith and sound principles which guide the policy of their existing government, is very far from regarding the United States as authors and responsible for projects, in every view unlawful and unjust, which (although strenuous efforts have been made to bring proselytes to) as yet amount to only a small minority. But as such plans have been formed in this country, and as their authors are now, by force of late political events, in the way to attain the needful resources to take means to carry them into execution, the government of Mexico holds it to be its duty to denounce such projects to that of the United States, and, for the purpose of securing on a solid and stable basis friendly relations between the two countries, has authorized me to express to you the good disposition which it has to form a treaty which shall guarantee the boundaries of the Mexican republic as now agreed upon, to be marked out and recognized, and which shall prevent the introduction and spreading of slavery in Mexican territory.
In the opinion of the Mexican government, a treaty concluded upon the preceding basis would not be less favorable to the true interests of the United States than to those of Mexico. If the United States should succeed in establishing an insurmountable barrier which would remove all hope of extending slavery to the south of the Union, it will have attained a very important step in the definitive settlement of the question which has caused so many complications and difficulties to the country, and which now threatens to whelm it in a lamentable civil war; whilst in exchange for this advantage, it would only guarantee, in a manner more express, engagements already contracted with Mexico in the treaty of limits of 2d February, 1848, and of 30th December, 1853.
I have also instructions to state to you, sir, that in this or any other arrangement which may be made between the government of the United States and that of Mexico, it must be an indispensable condition that they are not to make participants thereto, in any way, the nations of Europe.
The government of Mexico considers that whatever inherence might be conceded to European powers in such conventions might be converted into a motive or pretext for the intervention of that continent in the affairs of the republic in particular, or of America in general, and desires, on its part, to avoid the possibility of such a thing happening, because it entertains the conviction that the intervention of Europe on this continent would be fatal to the preservation and development of democratic institutions, on which are founded the hopes of the progress and social welfare of humanity.
This opportunity is satisfactory to me to repeat to you, sir, the assurances of my very distinguished consideration.
Hon. William H. Seward, &c., &c., &c., Washington, D. C.