Mr. Seward to Mr. Bigelow
Sir: Your despatch of May 26, No. 107, has been received. It treats only of familiar questions; but it treats of these with special earnestness, for this reason I reply in this communication to your suggestions, although I have considered the same subject so recently as the 3d of June, when I transmitted to you the views of the President.
You inform me that the proclamation putting a price on Davis’s head has produced an unpleasant effect upon the friends of the United States, and that it is particularly condemned by the Latin race. Treason and the raising of civil war, in some European states, are, for obvious reasons, regarded by mankind as venial offences. In the United States they are looked upon with far greater severity, for reasons which it is not necessary that I should now explain. With such severity crimes of the present insurgents in the United States are regarded by the government and by the loyal portion of the people of this country. The time, indeed, is rapidly coming on when these crimes will be lamented with greater sincerity, and condemned with greater earnestness, in the region which civil war has left desolate, than any political crime or casualty which has recently occurred in Europe has been lamented or condemned on that continent. The United States are not in a temper favorable to the making of apologies or explanations to European statesmen and politicians for matters which do not affect foreign nations, and which relate exclusively to our domestic affairs. I have, therefore, to request that you will make no explanations or apology for the action which this government has hitherto pursued, and, as events shall transpire, may be found to be pursuing, in relation to rebels, who, without cause or necessity or excuse, have not only spread desolation and death throughout a large portion of the United States, but have employed energies of surpassing strength in the effort to invoke the intervention of foreign powers to make that desolation more ruinous, as well as perpetual. I state, however, for your own information, that the executive department has taken, as yet, no definitive action with regard to judicial proceedings against Jefferson Davis. Other subjects of greater urgency have, thus far, engaged its attention.
If it be true, as you have conceived, that France is likely to adopt some measure of hostility towards the United States on the ground of real or expected political complications in Mexico, the United States must wait the shock according to their ability. It is already known to the government of France that the United States are not prepared to recognize a monarchical and European power in Mexico, which is yet engaged in war with a domestic republican government and a portion of the Mexican people; but it must be acknowledged, on the other hand, that the United States have, from the first appearance of the shadow of that foreign domination in Mexico until its present stage of administration, expressed its views to France upon the subject in a perfectly direct, frank, and friendly manner. The sentiments of the people of the United States in regard to affairs in Mexico, which have been so often expressed in the manner to which I have referred, are natural and inextinguishable. It would be a new event in [Page 394] history if one nation can give cause of offence to another nation by declining to become the ally of that nation in a war for the overthrow of a state friendly to the power so refusing to become an ally. We shall not believe, until we have convincing proof, that France is to invade the United States on such a pretext. It is to this government a source of the highest satisfaction that, during the three years that the war has been carried on between France and the republic of Mexico, the United States have maintained the strict line of forbearance and neutrality which their relations to the several belligerent parties dictated. From time to time the French authorities have given notice to the United States of apprehended violations of neutrality by American citizens, and the government of the United States have promptly interposed and prevented the intrusions menaced. Here the United States must stand. Beyond this they cannot go. They desire peace, and would cheerfully restore their traditional relations with France. It will remain for France to say whether for these relations shall be substituted an alienation whose consequences might involve an arrest of the march of civilization throughout the world.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
John Bigelow, Esq., &c., &c., &c.