A telegram of the 5th of April, from New York, was received here on the
16th instant, announcing the capture of Richmond and Petersburg, and the
great victories of General Grant, which accompanied this glorious
achievement.
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The news created
intense excitement, particularly among the commercial classes, and is
regarded by all as a forerunner of peace and the re-establishment of the
American Union in its pristine vigor. This event, and the victories of
General Sherman which preceded it, have created a most salutary
impression in relation to the strength of the government of the United
States, and its ability to defend itself against domestic or foreign
aggression. Never was the United States more feared and respected than
it is now, in Europe, and never did our form of government more signally
vindicate its self-sustaining power. The administration of President
Lincoln extorts, even from its former most implacable enemies, the
highest eulogies for its skill, energy, and consummate sagacity and
wisdom with which it has conducted this gigantic war for the
preservation of the Union.
To none, however, has this news of the successes of our arms given more
gratification than to the members of the cabinet of the Sultan, who now,
as during the whole progress of the war, have never failed to manifest
their sympathy with the Union cause, and their wishes for its triumph.
As I have related in previous despatches, the Sultan has himself
personally, to me, before the diplomatic corps, on several occasions,
given expression to similar sentiments.
I have been accustomed to say to foreigners that the maintenance of the
Union was not exclusively an American question. It is one which
interests man kind at large as much as ourselves, and, in pouring out
our blood and treasure for its defence, we are only fighting a battle
for the interests of universal humanity. Its overthrow would be a
disastrous check to modern progress, while its maintenance upholds a
government that stands as a pillar of light to guide mankind to the
redemption of its usurped rights, and to encourage it in its struggles
with those rulers who use power to found dynasties on the oppression of
the masses.
This is the light in which the American question is regarded by all on
this side of the Atlantic who have really any sympathy with the welfare
of the human race, and the day is not distant when the United States,
rising, phœnixlike, with renewed strength from the flames of war, will
exercise a greater moral power over the civilized world than any of the
great states of Europe.
Mr. Washburn to Mr. Morris
Constantinople,
April 5, 1865.
Sir: I beg to acknowledge, with thanks, the
receipt of yours of this morning’s date, with a copy of a despatch
from his Highness Ali Pacha, of the 2d instant.
As it is plain that his Highness has been completely misinformed in
regard to the relations of the American missionaries to the
Protestant Christian community, it seems most desirable that I
should state to you, briefly, but frankly, what these relations have
been and now are.
His Highness himself cannot be more firmly persuaded than we are that
foreign missionaries ought not to meddle with the civil affairs of
this empire. We neither claim nor desire any such right. We are well
aware that, should we meddle in civil or political affairs, we must
identify ourselves with some personal or party interests, and thus
destroy our proper influence as Christian teachers. We have,
therefore, never sought to control the Protestant community, nor
even to give advice, except when our advice has been formally asked.
We have often collected from friends pecuniary aid from the
community, but only when it has been officially asked for, and even
then the money has been given under protest.
When this community was formed, in 1850, the Protestants were very
few in number, and very poor. When Stepan Effendi was appointed
their vehil, they were utterly unable to pay his salary, or even any
great part of it. Under these circumstances they appealed to us, and
we consented to become responsible for one year. We collected the
money and paid the expenses, but distinctly disclaimed any desire to
control the action of the vehil. From that day to this we: have not
ceased to urge upon the people the necessity of paying
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their tales regularly. For
some ten years we aided them every year with funds collected from
friends, but about five years ago we gave them final and formal
notice that we could furnish them with no more money, as we wished
to have no connexion with their civil affairs.
Stepan Effendi, however, failing to understand the necessity of such
action on our part, demanded that his salary should be paid in full
by the missionaries; if it were not, he should cease to perform the
duties of his office. “We, of course, refused to do this, and
continued to urge upon the people the necessity of supporting their
chancery themselves.
Since that time, during these five years, the Protestant community
has been almost destroyed by the efforts of Stepan Effendi to compel
the missionaries to become responsible for his salary. Much of the
time the business of the office has been neglected, and the people,
suffering bitter wrong on this account, have refused to pay their
taxes to him.
Some three years ago, however, he agreed to adopt a certain plan,
proposed by the council of the nation, on condition of receiving
arrears of salary. At the request of the Protestant council, the sum
necessary was raised by the American and English missionaries; but,
no sooner had he received the money, than, apparently under the
influence of some evil adviser, he violated his word, and overturned
the whole arrangement. Much of the time since that date his office
has been closed.
But about three months ago Stepan Effendi came, naslied of his own accord, to several individuals, saying,
“I wish very much to resign. I am old. I need my arrears of salary,
and I wish to leave my post honorably. I beg you to see if there is
no way to raise the money to pay me my dues. If it could be raised,
I would gladly secure the appointment of some one else in my place.
After this was finished I would take my money.”
These persons came to me, and it appeared that the time had come when
all the troubles of the community could be cleared away, once for
all, by a friendly arrangement, equally pleasing to all parties.
I therefore replied: if all parties desire this, and request it, I
think for once more, for a final settlement, I can find the money;
but you must arrange it among yourselves.
They did arrange it fully among themselves. Stepan Effendi wrote a
note to the notables of the community, of which the following is a
translation:
“February 6, 1865.
“Beloved Brethren: You are already well
acquainted with the present condition of the Protestant chancery. I
cannot endure that condition any longer. My debts are daily
increasing, and in my present advanced stage of life I am in great
distress. I therefore appeal to your brotherly kindness, that you
would kindly undertake to deliver me from this condition, I inform
you that I am ready to resign my office, and in my old age to retire
to private life, if my claims upon the treasury are paid. “With
love,
“STEPAN SEROPIAN.”
It was agreed by these notables that he should ask the appointment of
Boghos Effendi, of Adrianople, in his place, as temporary caunaham,
until the people could nominate some one to the Porte as permanent
vehil.
Under these circumstances I was willing to advance the money
necessary to secure this object, provided these changes could be
actually accomplished before the money was paid, This was necessary,
not from any desire on our part to control the Protestant community,
but because Stepan Effendi had before violated his word under
similar circumstances, and because I had the distinct declaration of
the friends in England and America who had formally aided the
community that they would not advance another para to the Protestant community until its affairs had
been finally and satisfactorily arranged.
Stepan Effendi had proposed this condition in the first place. He
still agreed to it, but he now insisted that the promise in respect
to the money should be given to him in writing by a rayah. He suggested Mr. Haritun Minassian as
satisfactory to him. Although this person had no connexion with and
no interest in this money, he consented to act as a mutual friend in
an arrangement which was certainly not less desirable for Stepan
Effendi than for the community. The following papers were exchanged
between them:
[Translation of a paper given by Stepan Effendi to
Haritun.]
“February 15, 1865.
“I have summed up the claims of myself and Moses, my secretary, to
February 28, 1865, The amount is 77, 125 piastres. Of this I shall
receive in gold 55,000 piasters, when, after having resigned my
office, I shall have established Boghos Effendi as temporary
caunaham of the Protestant community in my place, by order of the
Porte. For 18,125 piasters I am to receive two bonds from Minassian
Haritun, the printer. I am to receive a certificate for 21,000
piasters more, by which I can obtain this sum from the nation, and
pay it to Ghazairs, as borrowed of him by me.
“STEPAN SEROPIAN, “Vehil of the
Protestant Community.”
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[Translation of a paper given by Mr. Haritun to Stepan
Effendi.]
“February 15, 1865.
“The subject of this paper is to state that on the 20th of Ramazan
1281, 55,000 piasters in coin, and two bonds—one for 9,237½
piasters, the other for 8,887½ piasters—in a bag, with Stepan
Aghasscal, have been deposited with me, in behalf of the nation, and
are in my possession, as a pledge for the claims of Stepan Effendi,
Protestant vehil, and his secretary, Moses, for balanee of salaries
due them; subject to the agreement, that whenever, within six months
from to-day, Stepan Effendi shall have resigned his office, and
shall have caused Boghos Effendi, of Adrianople, to be appointed in
his place, the 55,000 piastres and the two bonds in my possession
shall, without fail, be delivered to him by me. If this agreement be
not carried out, and the six months shall pass, then this money
shall be restored to the individuals who have given it to me, and
this paper will be void.
“HARITUN.”
As Stepan Effendi expressed the wish to see and count this money and
put his seal on the bag, he came to my office and did so, knowing
that if the arrangements were complied with, this moniuy money was to be furnished by friends in England and
America, as a free gift, to relieve the Protestant community of its
embarrassments, and from all need of further aid.
That the money might be perfectly safe until Stepan Effendi had
fulfilled the above conditions, I returned it to my safe whence it
came, and gave to Mr. Haritun the following bond as security to
him:
“Constantinople,
February—, ——.
“Received from Haritun Minassian, printer, a deposit of 625
napoleons, (sealed by Stepan Effendi,) to be delivered to him
whenever Stepan Effendi shall resign, and secure the appointment of
Bogos Agha, of Adrianople, in his place as head of the Protestant
community, provided that this be accomplished within six months of
the above date. After that date this paper will have no value.
“GEORGE WASHBURN.”
Up to this time it was supposed that Stepan Effendi was acting in
good faith, as the arrangement had been originally proposed by him,
and he had all along expressed his full satisfaction with it.
But it would appear that in his old age he must have become a tool in
the hands of bad men, for, having secured the above bond from Mr.
Haritun, he suddenly changed his mind, and declared that he had no
intention of fulfilling these conditions of his own making, but
would take the money in spite of us, without resigning at all. He
declared in our bookstore that his Highness Ali Pacha had united
with him to destroy the Protestant community, and drive the
missionaries from the country. Of course this was as false as
possible, and he appears to have told his Highness equally false
stories in reference to us.
Stepan Effendi has since instituted the most oppressive and vexatious
proceedings against Mr. Haritun, who is thus suffering as a
perfectly innocent man for an act of friendship. If there has been
any wrong done he has not done it. It rests either upon Stepan
Effendi or upon me. I leave it to your judgment to decide between
us.
His Highness Ali Pacha refers especially to a supposed purpose of
ours to make a public demonstration against Stepan Effendi. I am
happy to be able to assure you that his Highness has been deceived
in this matter. We have never so much as dreamed of such a thing,
and we consequently deny the charge as totally unfounded. The
particular meeting to which he seems to refer, the only one I have
heard of, was not planned by any missionary, nor was any foreigner
present at it or in any way connected with it. We knew nothing of
the meeting until we were informed by the Protestant notables that
they had decided to hold such a meeting in the church in
Stambool.
I am sure that if these facts are made known to his Highness he will
rejoice in the opportunity of withdrawing the charge which he has
been led, by incorrect information, to make against us.
It is our purpose so to conduct ourselves in this country, where we
live under the august protection of his imperial Majesty the Sultan,
that the Turkish authorities can have no occasion for complaint
against us. We should regard any unfriendly controversy with the
Porte as a positive calamity.
With your permission I shall send a copy of this letter to the Hon.
Mr. Stuart, her Britannic Majesty’s chargé d’affaires at the Porte,
with whom also his Highness Ali Pacha communicated in reference to
this question.
I remain, my dear sir, in behalf of the American missionaries, your
most humble and obedient servant,
