Mr. Perry to Mr. Seward.

No. 48.]

Sir:Who is to blame for the present agitation in and about Tunis? This is the staple topic of conversation in this place, and is discussed with more bitterness than ability in the journals of France and Italy. The immediate cause of the rebellion was undoubtedly exorbitant taxation. The radical causes were maladministration and jealousy between the ruling Mamelukes and the native aristocracy. The Greek slave, Mustafa, has become to the Bey what the Hebrew slave Joseph was to Pharaoh. But in that position, though supported by his master, he is hated by his fellow-subjects. To his charge are [Page 456] laid all the evils that afflict the land. He is blamed for the high taxes, corrupt tribunals, and empty treasury. In his turn he hurls back the charges, showing the miserable set of creatures he has to deal with. And truly his appeals excite our commiseration. It is hard to form a state out of ignorant, superstitious, and fanatical subjects.

But, aside from the faults of the government and people of Tunis, there are some serious causes of difficulty. Foreign nations know the worth of Tunis as a colony, and the weakness of it as an independent state. Turkey is not ready to relinquish her claims of suzerainty, though she cannot maintain them. England sees here a field for enterprise, and abundant provisions for Malta. France, with Algeria ill at ease, dreads Turkish and English influence in her neighborhood, and desires to extend her territory on the Mediterranean. Italy wants and needs a colony for superabundant population. It is but too plain that these nations are plotting for influence and power, and are ready to take advantage of the mistakes and misfortunes of the Tunisian government. The two leading actors are England and France—Turkey and Italy playing a subordinate part. Until the year 1830 English influence and trade predominated. The occupation of Algeria turned the scale in favor of France. Since then the latter country has been diffusing her ideas and extending her commerce to the disparagement of British ambition. The important enterprises have been given to Frenchmen. Frenchmen have been honored with lucrative posts under the government. The late French consul, who was a good Arabic scholar, and once a Mussulman, was much consulted and honored by the Bey. During his term of service no enterprise could succeed without his patronage. He leaving his post about a year since, the British convention was speedily concluded, giving British subjects, and even the British Queen, the right to hold real estate in Tunis. About the same time arrived the new French consul, who, though an accomplished man, understands neither the Arabic language nor oriental life and manners. Regarding the convention as a piece of state craft, inconsistent with the rules of national courtesy, he employed his utmost influence with the British consul and with the Bey’s minister to break it down. Failing in this object, he attacked the Tunisian constitution, on which the convention is based, ridiculing it as a sham and a humbug. The rebellion, soon breaking out, seemed an occasion suited to the consul’s purposes. The rebels were pronounced in the right and the government in the wrong; and much was done to strengthen the former and embarrass the latter.

About this time is alleged to have been made a counter movement by the English consul, viz: to offset French pretensions by Turkish claims. In this conduct the English consul is accused of acting a treacherous part. The result of this action was several demonstrations in favor of the Sultan along the shore.

After considering the numerous domestic and foreign causes of the agitation in this regency, I am unable to predict speedy and permanent tranquillity.

The Bey has this week sent off troops to the eastern shore.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

AMOS PERRY.

Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.