Mr. Judd to Mr. Seward.

No. 62.]

Sir:Your despatches Nos. 69 and 70, dated 19th and 21st of March, respectively, as also circular 48, bearing date 6th February, are received.

The Prussian portion of the allied army are still in front of the fortifications at Düppel, making their approaches according to the best approved principles of modern warfare. The bombardment is described as terrific. The hopeful are promising themselves daily news of the storming of the fortifications. As yet the digging and firing, in which they have been engaged for nearly two months, continues.

The London conference, which is now a fixed fact, and was to have assembled on the 12th instant, is postponed to the 20th. The cause for the postponement, as alleged, was the inability of the German Diet to act upon the proposition made to it in time to send a representative.

The Diet has now acted and Her Von Benst, the prime minister of Saxony, will represent it at the London conference.

That assemblage will be a mere representation of dynastic interests, and if any [Page 213] concession is made to the will of the people of Schleswig-Holstein it will be because the German rulers fear the result among their own people in the event of the restoration of the duchies to Denmark. Those interested may concede that much because they can do it at the expense of a small kingdom. If it is done, it will be contrary to all the principles of the men and the party who now control Prussian affairs, and it will be a concession from necessity to the popular will in Germany and in the duchies. The invasion of Schleswig was, in reality, an attempt to stifle the popular opinion of Germany as it was being developed in connexion with the affairs of the duchies. Events have been stronger than the will of the ruling statesmen, and Herr Von Bismarck must yield on that point.

The conference may postpone what dynastic rulers think the evil day and preserve for the present the peace of Europe; but there is no mistaking the fact that Europe is arrayed in two vast hostile forces, only abiding their time for the final struggle. It is dynastic Europe, in possession of the governments, controlling armies and treasures, against liberal Europe, sometimes called democratic and revolutionary, of which Garibaldi is a fair type and representative. This antagonism exists in nearly all of the kingdoms, and the knowledge of its existence, and of the fact that a general war would develop its power, is the real reason for the strenuous efforts which are being made to preserve the peace.

The ovation given by the people of England to Garibaldi is a subject of comment in all the governmental circles in Europe, and in spite of the efforts to deny its political importance, it is causing new and additional agitation and raising the hopes of the liberals. The governing classes of Europe look upon this movement unfavorably, and, so far as any prominent statesman has taken part in the festivities, it was from compulsion and in obedience to a popular demand too powerful to be resisted, and too much in earnest to be thwarted with safety. The tories of England, at the beck of the Emperor of France, drove from office the friend of Mazzini because of his friendship for that individual; but the people of England have given to Garibaldi, also a friend to Mazzini, an ovation such as was never meted to a crowned head on that island.

The new empire of Mexico is established, so far as it can be done on this side of the ocean. Maximilian has accepted the crown and assumed all the trappings of royalty. He has organized his imperial official household, appointed diplomatic representatives to the leading European courts, and sailed from Trieste in an Austrian armed ship, accompanied by French ships, and will call at Rome for a blessing on his way to his fancied empire.

The new Mexican loan has enabled Maximilian to pay his debts—he was hopelessly insolvent—has given him, in addition, a few millions of francs for travelling expenses, and put in the French exchequer the balance to pay past liabilities and guarantee future responsibilities.* * *

I am, sir, your obedient servant,


Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.