Mr. Motley to Mr. Seward.
Sir: I beg to call your attention to a debate in the Austrian Reichsrath, a translation of which is herewith transmitted. The speeches of the two Gallician deputies, and the replies of Ministers Schmerling and Mesery, will give you a better view of the condition of things in Austrian Poland and of the attitude of the imperial government in the provinces, than could be furnished by any dissertation that I could write. You will judge for yourself of the probability of the imperial government ever joining with France, or any other power, in a war against Russia, in behalf of Poland, or of her even conferring belligerent rights on insurgents so close to her own frontier. Without the consent of Austria, of course any attempt to elevate them to the rank of belligerents would be futile.
The general impression in these regions is that the insurrection in Russian Poland is nearly exhausted. In the battles and skirmishes which have occurred of late, the Poles have been almost invariably defeated, and the entire downfall of their hopes of foreign assistance is fast reducing them to despair.
It is not thought that much service has been rendered to the cause of liberty or human progress by the vehement speeches and able despatches which the insurrection has called forth from other lands in profusion, while material aid was denied. Meantime, the proposition for a European congress has for a time stretched a veil over the terrible scenes of which that unhappy land has so long been the theatre, and which till recently absorbed the attention of Europe. [Page 122] Now the world is busy discussing the project of a congress, and it is useless to comment upon the dexterity with which this proposition was so unexpectedly and dramatically presented, and the suddenness with which the Polish question has been transferred to the background. It is the common opinion that before this congress meets, if it ever should meet, Russia will have suppressed the Polish rebellion; but I have not heard of any other practical result that is even expected from the project.
So far as regards Austria, the dominant feeling is a desire for peace. During the past year considerable progress had been made on the new constitutional career of the empire. The wall of passive resistance had been breached in Transylvania, from which province the full quota of deputies, twenty-three (23) in number, had been but recently sent to the Reichsrath, and there were hopes that Croatia would follow the example, while even in Hungary there were symptoms of weariness and of a desire for reconciliation. The funds were gradually improving, a new loan had been negotiated on favorable terms, (at about par in paper currency,) and the agio on specie had fallen to nine or ten per cent.
The speech of the French Emperor has effected a sudden change in this sunny aspect of affairs. The commercial world has taken fright, and believes that nothing but war can come out of the congress, or out of a rejection of it. The funds are steadily falling, and the agio on silver has already reached 23 per cent., and people go about, both in the diplomatic world and outside of it, telling each other the most alarming stories.
Thus, if England and Austria should refuse to attend the proposed areopagus at Paris, then France, Italy, Russia, and Prussia would meet and remodel the map of Europe—that favorite pastime of politicians and potentates. France would, of course, be accommodated with the Rhine, and Prussia would be compensated with Hanover Brunswick, and other pieces of property, to round off her domains. Italy would come into possession of Venetia, and Russia would be allowed to take possession of the Danubian principalities, and thus find herself further advanced towards Constantinople than before the Crimean war. Austria would be the victim, for it would be impossible for England, who has no army for continental purposes, to afford her any assistance.
These and many similar stories are repeated glibly from mouth to mouth, and there are even people found who believe in them. I give them to you as part of the gossip of the hour.
Meantime this government does not refuse the congress as a principle, but utterly rejects the proposition made so prominent in the French Emperor’s speech, and received in the chamber with such enthusiasm, that the treaties of 1815 have ceased to exist. On the contrary, the treaties of Vienna are regarded here, not only as existing, but as the foundation of the public law and political geography of Europe, so far as they have not been modified by subsequent events. This is not dissimilar to the view taken, as I understand, by England. Neither Austria nor England will refuse the congress, but they will insist beforehand that a programme should be laid down of the measures likely to be discussed. This, for a variety of reasons, would seem a difficult task, for I am not aware that any power proposes to give up any portion of its own territory for the common good, nor to permit any intervention in its own private affairs. The public is rather inclined to expect, as the result of the proposition of the 5th November, a series of barren conferences, to be followed, perhaps, by war, or perhaps war without any conferences at all.
Meantime public attention is directed from unhappy Poland, and Paris is amused.
I have the honor to remain, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.