Mr. Motley to Mr. Seward.
Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch, No. 41, of date September 11, marked confidential, in which information is conveyed to me as to the attitude of the United States government in regard to the war now existing between the empire of France and the republic of Mexico.
I understand from the latter portion of the despatch that the representatives of the United States abroad are instructed not to engage in the political debates which the present unsettled aspect of the war in Mexico has elicited. Hitherto I have occasionally deemed it my duty, in my private and unofficial capacity, to give expression to the almost universal American sentiment as to the events in question, and as to the misfortunes which have come upon a republic, our nearest neighbor, through the invasion of a distant and powerful nation. Of course, I have never engaged in any political debates, as I am fully aware that the United States government has never, directly or indirectly, authorized me to that effect.
I have thought, however, that it might be useful for the department to be informed, from time to time, of what might transpire as to the candidacy of the Archduke Maximilian for the throne which it is proposed to erect in Mexico, or in that part of the republic which has been subdued by the armies of the French Emperor.
I regret that my last despatch, No. 35, conveyed incorrect information. Although I stated that the source of that information was not official, nor such as I could vouch for, while I relied myself on its correctness, yet I should not have transmitted it at all, except for strong reasons for my faith not now necessary to indicate.
At any rate, unless there has been some sudden change in the plans of the archduke, which I have no reason to suppose, it is obvious that the information was erroneous; for it now appears from the answer of his Imperial Highness to the deputation of “notables,” a translation of which is herewith transmitted, that his ultimate acceptance of the offered crown is very problematical. The conditions laid down are such as have been intimated in all my previous despatches, excepting No. 35, and would seem very difficult of fulfilment. One would suppose, for instance, although it is not distinctly stated, that among the guarantees, that of England would be included, and it is difficult to imagine that this could be obtained.
As to Poland, and the probable results of the insurrection there, I see no reason to change the opinion hitherto expressed in this correspondence. A continuation of epistolary polemics between the three powers on one side and Russia on the other, would seem impossible after the last note from St. Petersburg, [Page 118] and I have not Beard of any intention on the part of the three powers to render any material aid to the insurgent Poles.
It is the universal opinion that peace between the four powers in question will be preserved for this year at least. A winter’s campaign in the Baltic would hardly be practicable for France alone. There has been a talk of conferring belligerent rights on the insurgent Poles, as was done in the case of our insurgent slaveholders at the outbreak of their revolt; but this measure would have little effect unless it should be consented to by the great states bordering upon Poland—Austria and Prussia; and this consent I should consider impossible. It is true that the measure might enable Englishmen to build, equip, and man vessels-of-war, to sail from English ports, in order, under the Polish flag, to burn and rob Russian merchant ships on the high seas; but it is possible that the czar might not acquiesce in the doctrine maintained by some of the politicians and jurisconsults of England, that such practices are consistent with neutrality and international law. It is not easy to see, therefore, what practical service any proclamation in favor of the Poles would effect, unless the powers nearest the seat of war should unite in the measure.
In regard to our own affairs I should say that a considerable change had come over public opinion in Europe. It is no longer accepted as a fact, not to be gainsaid, that the so called confederacy of the slaveholders has a real existence; on the contrary, there is a prevalent feeling that an insurrection of individuals, although more formidable for its numbers, its courage, and the military and political skill with which its combinations have been directed, and the wide territory over which its influence was spread, is slowly but surely yielding before the arms and the policy of a great and free commonwealth, and this feeling does not diminish the respect with which our republic, despite the efforts of domestic traitors and foreign calumniators and intriguers, is regarded in Europe. When the dark days are over, and peace and union are restored to our distracted land, the American people, I trust, while it will be difficult for them to forget the efforts of their foreign traducers to injure as noble a cause as any for which mankind has ever sacrificed blood or treasure, will be still more sure to remember their friends. If it be noble to have maintained, at the expense of so many precious lives, the existence of our free republic, and to have insured the emancipation of an oppressed and deeply injured race, it will be doubly grateful for us to remember that, when the clouds were heaviest, the masses of those populations supposed to be most interested in the success of the slaveholding confederacy never faltered in their sympathy with the efforts of the free republic. The heroic attitude of the working classes of England, steadily withstanding the arts and misrepresentations of demagogues, will ever be cherished as a manifestation scarcely less sublime than the heroism with which Americans of all classes have been ready to lay down their lives that their own country might live; nor shall we ever forget that the journalists who have defended our cause among a host of enemies have been unsurpassed in the whole history of the periodical press, for knowledge, ability, and elevation of sentiment; that some of the most eloquent and honored of the public men of England have spoken words which have echoed in every American heart; and that the loftiest and most earnest thinkers both of England and the continent, the true and permanent guides of public thought, with scarce an exception, have expressed themselves in regard to the great revolution now going on in America with a wisdom and breadth of vision that do honor to the age.
In this empire, as I have more than once had the pleasure of stating, there have been no malevolent manifestations at any period. The points of political contact between us are not many, but the world of thought has no boundaries. If there has been any calumny or misrepresentation by the press of Vienna, it has entirely escaped my notice; while, on the other hand, the general tone of journalism has been respectful, and often very sympathetic. The ability and [Page 119] knowledge of the public writers here, in dealing with foreign affairs, and especially with American matters, is very remarkable.
I have the honor to remain, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.