Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward

No. 420.]

Sir: My despatch to Mr. Drouyn de l’Huys, of February 2, notifying him that, should the Rappahannock be permitted, under the circumstances, to go to sea, the French government would be considered justly responsible for all damages to our commerce, has had immediate attention.

Herewith I enclose to you a translation of Mr. Drouyn de l’Huys’s reply, and the report of the minister of marine. They claim exemption from responsibility, as it seems, upon the ground heretofore stated, that nothing will be [Page 36] supplied to this vessel except what is necessary to her “navigability,” and that it is the British government, as the minister of marine thinks, (from whose waters, it is said, the armament is to come,) that should be held answerable for damages. They promise, however, to investigate further as to the condition in which this vessel left the English ports and entered Calais. It is but just to Mr. Drouyn de l’Huys to say that when he assented to the general view that I had expressed that this vessel was not entitled to claim the aid and reparations which are extended of right to national vessels driven into port by stress of weather, his opinions and views were based on the facts as he and I then understood them. Those facts, I have no doubt, were then understood by us correctly; but some question would seem to be made on this subject by the minister of marine. I do not think the government can at all justify its action in equipping this vessel on the facts as they actually exist. It is not only a violation of the principles of international law, but a direct violation of the Emperor’s proclamation of neutrality made in 1861.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

WM. L. DAYTON.

Hon. William H. Seward Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c.

[Translation.]

M. Drouyn de l’Huys to M. Ministre of Marine

Sir: I have received the letter which you did me the honor to write to me on the subject of the injuries which the vessel Rappahannock might cause to the federal commerce upon its departure from Calais. I have made it my duty, in consequence, to again call the attention of M. the minister of marine to the preparations of the confederate vessel, and I hasten to send you herewith a copy of his answer. It results from it, as you will be able to convince yourself, that the Rappahannock has not ceased to be the object of the most active surveillance, and the numerous visits made on board by M. the commissary of the maritime inscription of Calais have enabled him to state that this vessel has been able solely to procure itself what was wanting in respect to its seaworthiness, but that it has received no object with a view to an armament of war. The government of the Emperor could not then be rendered responsible for the acts of aggression to which the Rappahannock might afterwards devote itself against the federal vessels, but which it would be powerless in its actual state to commit against them on quitting our waters. If any doubts still remain as to the conditions upon which this vessel left the shores of England and took refuge at Calais, an inquiry which is now being prosecuted by the direction of M. the minister of the marine will furnish in this respect the desirable explanations. I will have the honor to inform you of the result as soon as it shall be known to me.

Accept the assurance of the high consideration with which I have the honor to be, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant,

DROUYN DE L’HUYS.
[Translation.]

The Minister of Marine to the Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Monsieur le Ministre and dear Colleague: I have just received the letter which you did me the honor to write me the 4th of this month to [Page 37] transmit to me the copy of a further communication which has been addressed to you by M. the minister of the United States at Paris, in reference to the early departure from the port of Calais of the confederate vessel the Rappahannock, and by which he makes known his intention to attribute to us from the present movement responsibility for the injuries this vessel might inflict upon the federal commerce. Your excellency knows that the Rappahannock entered into the port of Calais in a veritable state of unseaworthiness, that we have not accorded to it any other authorization than that of putting itself in condition to go to sea, and that no other thing has been furnished to it, and always as a commercial transaction (par le commerce) except what was absolutely indispensable to it in order that it might navigate. I will add, in fine, that this vessel has been on the part of the authorities of Calais the object of the most active surveillance.

It appears, indeed, by a letter from M. the commissary of maritime inscription, received this morning even, that a fourth visit has yesterday been made on board, and according to the formal declaration of M. the inspector of the customs, there has not been in any shape an embarkment of objects with a view to an armament of war.

I could not then, for my part, admit the pretension of Mr. Dayton of wishing to impute to us the injury which the Rappahannock might cause to the federal commerce after its departure from our waters. This pretension is so much the more unsustainable, as this vessel could not be available as a cruiser except in so far as it should be furnished with arms, which it would not be able to procure for itself upon our territory. So M. the minister of the United States, who understands this very well, pretends that these are to be delivered to it in the open sea by an English vessel—an act for which our responsibility cannot be engaged. It would then be much rather to the government of her Britannic Majesty that Mr. Dayton ought to address himself, since this delivery of arms would constitute an act contrary to neutrality.

So in regard to what has passed in our waters, you will recognize, Monsieur le Ministre and dear colleague, that our conduct has continued in every respect, as well in regard to the Rappahannock as the other confederate vessels, the Georgia and the Florida, and the federal vessel Kearsarge, in the line of the strictest neutrality traced out by the declaration of the 10th June, 1861, and that the government of the Emperor could not in any form assume the responsibility which the minister of the United States would wish to put upon it.