Mr. Seward to Mr. Pike
Sir: Your despatch of January 27, No. 121, has been received. The President was promptly made acquainted with the kindly sentiments and good wishes of the King of Holland, which you communicated to me in your No. 118, and they were accepted with sincere satisfaction.
Laborious efforts have been made from time to time, chiefly by British statesmen, to prove that the concession of a belligerent naval character by their government to the insurgents in this country was right, and even that it was necessary. The United States have never conceded either the justice or the necessity of that proceeding, but, on the contrary, they declared at first, and have ever since maintained, that it was as ungenerous and unfriendly as it was exceptional. Having been followed by the concurrence of the other maritime powers, as it is understood in some cases upon considerations of prudence, and in others upon the suggestions of sympathy with Great Britain, that important measure has secured to none of the maritime powers any real advantage, while it has deeply affected the United States. Steadily adhering to the prudent policy which their exposed condition suggested, they are at last surmounting what other states have insisted upon regarding as fatal dangers. But, as they feel more assured of coming out of the revolutionary storm, the people of this country [Page 310] become more and more keenly sensible of the injuries which they received from friendly hands during their peril. European statesmen, on the other hand, are beginning to consider what will be the form and measure of the atonement that the United States will claim at the hands of states which unnecessarily and unkindly have lent aid and sympathies to the insurgents.
It is to be expected, of course, that the United States, after passing the present crisis, will seek to maintain the position they have hitherto held in the commonwealth of nations, and to improve the resources with which Providence has blessed them. But it is no secret that the President thinks justice and magnanimity are safer and surer guides for a republic than jealousy and aggression. It is, moreover, hardly to be expected of any people that they will be content to practice these virtues towards other nations which persevere in injurious and wantonly offensive courses. Desirous, therefore, that when our domestic war shall cease, the natural controversies that grew out of it may also be brought to an end, I have been authorized, whenever circumstances seemed propitious, to invite the maritime powers to re-examine their attitude and to resume their original relations towards the United States. I know how hard it is for a state to retrace an erroneous course so long as it can be followed without immediate peril; and therefore I am not surprised or discouraged with the failure that has thus far attended the appeals which we have made not more earnestly in the present interest of our national cause than in the ultimate interest of universal peace and harmony. But if we are right in our belief that the American Union is coming safely and purified out of the fire through which, for its early acceptance of human bondage as a political element in its organization, it was doomed to pass, then it is clear that the maritime powers would do wisely in promptly receding from the position which, in a moment of precipitancy, they unwisely adopted in regard to the insurrection. If the United States survive the struggle, all of the maritime powers must, sooner or later, revise their attitude of which we complain. The power that first perceives and performs this duty will be distinguished, and will reap the rewards of wisdom and virtue.
I am obliged to confess that it is not now expected that the treaty in regard to negro emigration will be ratified. The American people have advanced to a new position in regard to slavery and the African class since the President, in obedience to their prevailing wishes, accepted the policy of colonization. Now not only their free labor but their military service also is appreciated and accepted.
The views of our finances taken by our friends in Holland are neither unjust nor unexpected. They are accepted by the Secretary of the Treasury, and, I believe, by Congress. I think I can promise that the increased taxation necessary for sustaining the public credit will be wisely imposed by the legislature and cheerfully borne by the people.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
James S. Pike, Esq., &c., &c., &c.