Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.
Sir: Despatches have been received from the department, numbered from 1003 to 1014, , including two numbered 1013. Also letters of the 24th and 27th of June, respecting Mr. Esdaile and James Smith. An acknowledgment of the reception of a telegram, in cipher, dated the 20th of June, which came by the steamer, was accidentally omitted last week.
By the steamer of last Saturday I forwarded a copy of the Times, containing a report of the conclusion of the debate in both houses of Parliament on the vote of censure proposed against the ministry. The extent of the majority in their favor was a little surprising even to themselves. The loss of a portion of the Catholic members from Ireland seems to have been attended by a more than compensating reaction in other quarters. The result is, that all thoughts of dissolving Parliament have been abandoned for at least another year. It is not clear that it may not be suffered to run to the end of its term in 1866. In other words, it is the perpetuation of a negative policy, at least during the public life of the present first minister.
This debate has developed one tendency in the public feeling of Great Britain not a little remarkable. This is, a distrust of the power of the country to act in the affairs of Europe, either in opposition to, or even without the concurrence of, France. The combination of the three great northern powers, brought on by a sense of common danger, from the tendency of the popular feeling all over Europe, renders the isolation of Britain the only alternative to a union with France. The objections to such a union, on account of the liability to be involved in the hazard of being made use of to carry out any ambitious project which the Emperor may take into his head to adopt, are regarded as very serious. It is a sense of these difficulties, on every side, that has swung the people so suddenly to the acceptance of the theory presented by Mr. Cobden. That gentleman’s views were more or less adopted by many, and scarcely controverted by any one. As a consequence, the effect of the debate is to set up a general policy of abstention [Page 213] from interference with the affairs of other countries, and to prompt a political insulation in a measure corresponding with the geographical position of the kingdom. This might indeed be possible, if the stakes held were entirely confined within the limits of these islands. As this is so obviously not the case, it necessarily follows that the state of opinion now prevailing can only be of the passing moment, and must give way, on the first emergency, to the positive necessities of their situation.
It is, however, in the midst of this existing delusion that Mr. Lindsay proposes once more to present to the consideration of the Commons his motion for the proposal of a mediation on the part of the combined powers of Europe, between the contending parties in America. It is now averred that he means seriously to bring it up to-morrow night. In anticipation of this movement, elaborate communications from the rebel emissaries or agents appeared simultaneously in the columns of the Times and the Post of yesterday. It is difficult to imagine any measure more entirely in conflict with the general tenor of the arguments of last week. The earnestness with which it appears, nevertheless, to be urged by the interested parties indicates only their sense of the pressing nature of their necessities. What will be the fate of the movement may be fairly gathered from the nature of the editorial comments made in both these papers, the substance of which may be comprised in the words “not yet.” You will learn the result by the same steamer that carries this.
It is now tolerably certain that Parliament will be prorogued on the 28th instant. The customary ministerial dinner at Greenwich has been ordered for the 23d.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, &c., &c., &c.