Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State of the United
States.
Mr. Nelson to Mr. Tocornal.
Legation of the United
States, Santiago de
Chili,
August 30, 1862.
Sir: Upon the 1st of May last, in a
despatch to the honorable Secretary of State of the United States, I
had the honor to express my gratification at the hearty
manifestations of a desire evinced by a portion of the press of
Chili for the suppression of the domestic dissension existing in the
United States and for a closer drawing together of the bonds uniting
the other nations of America with our own. I moreover assured the
honorable secretary of my belief that these were the prevailing
sentiments of the government as well as of the people of this
republic, who were, to say the least, solicitous regarding the
policy of some of the powers of western Europe towards the
comparatively defenceless states of Spanish America. I also alluded
to the gratifying circumstance that the United States and their
citizens had, in my opinion, never before occupied a more favorable
position in the estimation of Chili than at present—a more intimate
knowledge of our people, aims and policy, having developed a true
appreciation and cordial esteem, which could not but most favorably
affect all our relations with this republic.
Under date of the 19th of June, 1862, the honorable Secretary
addressed me, in reply to the one above alluded to, a despatch of
which the relative positions of the United States of America and her
sister republics, in view of the gravity of the present political
situation, form the basis.
[Page 1282]
Feeling assured that a knowledge of the sentiments of my government
upon this subject cannot but be most gratifying to the government of
your excellency, I have believed that our official intercourse could
not be more agreeably initiated than in a frank and sincere
expression of such sentiments of which I am most happy in being the
exponent.
I need not assure your excellency that my government has felt the
most profound interest in the events now occurring in the
neighboring and sister republic of Mexico, wherein reactionary
forces have been threatening a subversion of her republican
institutions, and, of course, a subversion of her sovereignty and
independence.
The United States are deeply concerned in the peace of nations, and
at the same time aim to be loyal in all their relations to European
as well as American states. The President, while relying upon the
good faith of the allied powers, and confident of their sincerity in
disclaiming any intention to intervene to change the constitutional
form of government, has deemed it his duty to express to them the
opinion that no monarchical government which could be founded in
Mexico, in the presence of foreign navies and armies in her waters
and upon her soil, would have any prospect of security or
permanency; secondly, that the instability of such a monarchy there
would be enhanced if the throne should be assigned to any person not
of Mexican nativity. That under such circumstances the new
government must fall, unless it could draw into its support European
alliances, which, relating back to the present invasion, would, in
fact, make it the beginning of a permanent policy of armed European
intervention, injurious and practically hostile to the most general
system of government on the continent of America, and this would be
the beginning, rather than the ending, of revolution in Mexico.
In such a case it is not to be doubted that the permanent interests
and sympathies of the United States would be with the other American
republics. It is not intended on this occasion to predict the course
of events which might happen as a consequence of the proceeding
contemplated, either on this continent or in Europe. It is
sufficient to say that, in the opinion of the President, the
emancipation of our own country from European control has been the
principal feature in its history during the last century.
Between some of the South American republics and our own there has
existed, not remotely, an alienation, founded partly upon an
imperfect appreciation of our sentiments, partly upon errors and
prejudices peculiar to themselves, and yet not altogether without
fault upon our own part—an alienation temporary in its character,
and which I rejoice to know has yielded to a better knowledge of the
government and people of the United States, and of the sincerity of
their cordial interest in the integrity and welfare of sister
republics.
The social differences which distinguish the Latin races from those
of northern stock are likely to be long perpetuated upon the
continent of Europe. But there is a constant and rapid tendency
towards harmony and assimilation between them in America, and
ultimately a constitution of society decidedly American must exist
here. Such a change is necessary to secure a complete development of
the resources of the continent, and necessary even to render the
states which are to exist here safe against domestic disorders and
foreign aggression. The change, however, is to be effected, not by
wars and conquests, but peacefully through the influence of moral
causes. Every American state must practice patience and forbearance
and cordial friendship towards every other, and all must come to
learn that political institutions which fail to secure peace and to
create prosperity cannot be upheld, even by any combination with
foreign powers. The United States want no more extended empire. The
field they occupy is adequate to the employment of all their [Page 1283] energies, and ample for
the play of their just ambition. Thus content with their boundaries,
they daily become more intolerant of the idea of any division of
their domain or encroachment upon it by foreign powers. These
sentiments have thus far been the great invigorating forces of the
United States during their present domestic dissensions, and I need
scarcely assure your excellency that they feel now confident of a
speedy and complete re-establishment of peace within their borders.
The Latin states of America may rest assured that the United States
will maintain their integrity and independence through the greatest
trials, and thus show to the world that American institutions
possess virtues and advantages which make the nations enjoying them
indissoluble and invulnerable.
We invite Chili and all other American states to cultivate the same
spirit and exhibit the same determination.
These, your excellency, are the sentiments of the government and
people of the United States of America, and I gladly avail myself of
this opportunity of manifesting to the government of Chili how deep
is their interest in the welfare of every other American republic,
how disinterested their desire that the relations subsisting between
these several nations and their own shall assume a spirit more
elevated than one of merely commercial or conventional amity, a
spirit earnestly American in the continental sense of the word, and
fraternal in no mere diplomatic meaning of the term, conducive to
their mutual prosperity and happiness, and ultimately auspicious to
all republican states thoughout the world.
Availing myself of this occasion, allow me to reiterate to your
excellency the earnest assurances of distinguished consideration and
high esteem with which I have the honor to remain your excellency’s
most obedient servant,
His Excellency the Secretary of Foreign
Relations
Of the Republic of Chili.
