Papers Relating to Foreign Affairs, Accompanying the Annual Message of the President to the First Session Thirty-eighth Congress, Part II

Mr. Pruyn to Mr. Seward

No. 56.]

Legation of the United States in Japan, Yokohama, August 14, 1863.

Sir: At the time the British demand was made, I cautioned this government against pursuing the suicidal course, which it appeared inclined to adopt, of avowing its inability to exert any authority in the dominions of Satsuma. I pointed out to them, that if Satsuma was so far sovereign as to make a treaty for the payment of an indemnity, and the surrender of the murderers of Mr. Richardson, it would be difficult to deny his right to exercise other acts of sovereignty, such as making a treaty of friendship, commerce, &c.

I was informed that the government would assume all the responsibility of the adjustment of the British indemnity. It has, accordingly, been prepared to pay the entire amount demanded; but it has not been able to surrender the murderers. The reason given is, that they have escaped; but the real difficulty is, that Satsuma’s principality cannot be entered, being sealed, far more effectually than in former times were the highlands of Scotland, and some parts of Ireland, against the execution of any process of the British monarch or courts.

A few remarks may enable you to understand more fully the position of affairs.

Three centuries ago Japan was divided into independent kingdoms, and governed by independent sovereigns, the Mikado being only the nominal chief or ruler of all. The great Taico Sama, and his greater successor Tyeyas, the framer of the present system of government, conquered these petty princes, some of whom were entirely destroyed, and their territories usurped by the reigning family, or distributed among its retainers. A few of the old daimios were suffered to retain their possessions in whole or in part, but were divided from each other by three great principalities, erected in Central Japan, possessed by Kshii, Owari, and Mito, descendants of the Tycoon Tyeyas, and by other territories granted to their Gofoodai, or great vassals. Two-thirds of Japan is governed by this family and its vassals, who control the executive power of the country. Kangu, Satsuma, Fhizen, and the other great daimios, dating back of the present dynasty, and called Koski, it now appears, still exercise sovereign power within their own territories.

The Gosaukays, or families eligible to the Tycoonship, are constantly intriguing against each other. The family of Mito has never succeeded in having one of its members elevated to that dignity, which has been held by Kshii and Owari, respectively, to its exclusion. This is said to be owing to the fact that the present Mito family are not actually descended from Tyeyas, but only adopted. This is the mode of keeping alive the great families of the empire.

The great daimios in council determine the policy and action of the government; the Gorogio, or five wise men, being the organ through which its decisions are promulgated and enforced.

Up to this time all the difficulties which have attended foreign intercourse, and all the dangers to which foreigners have been exposed, have been attributed to the hostility of Mito and Satsuma.

The treatment of the officers and crew of the bark Chevalie, and the recent payment of the British indemnity, while Mito has been acting as Vice Tycoon, has induced us to believe that we have been deceived as to his real sentiments. In a short time we shall be better able to pronounce an opinion as to the policy of Satsuma. Should the British chargé d’affaires make a treaty with him, as is possible, and the Tycoon’s government repose in greater confidence in the treaty powers, it is possible that the serious question may be presented, whether those powers will not be justified in recognizing the great independent daimio as sovereign. To avoid this, the government of the Tycoon will, probably, observe with more fidelity the existing treaties, and adopt a more liberal foreign policy.

As the British fleet will probably return before the next mail leaves, I refrain from remarks, which may prove of no value, in the light either of its achievements, or of possible barren results.

I enclose No. 1, translation of a letter from the Gorogio to the French minister, the only one as yet received by any minister in relation to the attacks at, and expeditions to, Simonoseki. You will see that the Gorogio assent that the declaration of their envoys, that it has no power to enforce obedience from some princes, is a mistake; a very careful translation shows that the denial relates to the declaration, and not to the fact itself. I also enclose No. 2, copy and translation of memorandum, signed by the representatives of France, the United States, Great Britain, and the Netherlands; and No. 3, copy of my letter to the Gorogio, transmitting the same; and Nos. 4 and 5, copies of letters to the Gorogio, in reply to their announcements that they had returned to Yedo, and that Ogasawari Dsusio No Kami had been dismissed from the Gorogio.

I have this day received a letter from the minister, informing me of the appointment of Sakai Pota No Kami as his successor; of which I enclose translation, enclosure No. 6. This minister is of higher rank than any who has ever held this office, with one exception; and you will perceive he is to take precedence of his colleagues.

In view of the great delay which always takes place before answers are received from the Gorogio, I have thought it better to send you copies of my letters without waiting for their replies.

On the return of the British fleet, measures for opening the inland sea, now held in abeyance, may be found necessary.

The pilot of the French fleet has been murdered near this place, and the others are threatened. It will prove a source of danger if the punishment inflicted on the house of Nagato be only sufficient to irritate him, and not so severe as to prevent further hostile acts.

I cannot divest myself of great sympathy for this government and people, and hope that further measures may be safely avoided.

I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your most obedient servant,

ROBERT H. PRUYN, Minister Resident in Japan.

Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington.

The Gorogio to Mr. Bellecourt

[Enclosure No. 1.—Translation.]

Yedo, July 24, 1863.

The Gorogio to the Minister of France:

We learned with surprise, from your letter of the 17th instant, that vessels-of-war and batteries in the vicinity of Simoneseki, in our province of Nagato, of which Matsudaira Daizen No Daiboo is prince, have fired into one of your ships-of-war, causing damage to that ship; and that, in consequence thereof, his excellency Admiral Jaures, French admiral, had left for that place.

These attacks have not been only against your man-of-war, but also against American and Dutch ships, as we have been informed. For these reasons our government will take some measures. It is, therefore, desirable that you will wait some time for that arrangement.

It is stated in your letter that our envoys had declared to you that our government had no power to enforce obedience from some of the princes, but this is not so in reality; it is possible that this assertion is based upon some misunderstanding during the conferences.

Which we state in reply to your letter.

With respect and consideration, the 9th day of the 6th month of the 3d year of Bunkin, (July 24, 1863.)

MATSUDAIRA BOODZEN NO KAMI, INOWUYE KAWATSI NO KAMI.

[Enclosure No. 2.—Translation.]

Memorandum signed by Representatives of France, &c.

The undersigned, representatives in Japan of France, the United States, England, and the Netherlands, have met on the 25th July, 1863, at Yokohama, for the purpose of examining the present state of affairs in Japan, and of passing a resolution on the subject.

After discussion, it has been agreed that it is indispensable for the maintenance of the rights secured by the treaties concluded with Japan, to Proceed immediately with the reopening of the inland sea, unobstructed until now; the free access to which has now been unexpectedly interrupted, through the offensive aggressions of which the Prince of Nagato has been guilty, by causing the merchant and war vessels of several of the said treaty powers to be bombarded from batteries erected on the shores of his principality, and that, in consequence thereof, it is expedient to request the admirals and other officers commanding the naval forces of the powers above mentioned to take all such measures as they may deem proper to bring about this result.

With this object, and also in view of the protection of their countrymen, at the opened ports, the said representatives declare that it appears necessary to them to establish a combined action of the naval and military forces available in these seas. It has also been agreed that the government of the Tycoon shall be informed of this decision, in order that this government may be enabled to take at once, and with promptness, if it can do so, the requisite measures to effect, with its own means, the objects above indicated, as its action, if it be as vigorous and prompt as the present circumstances require, might render it unnecessary for the agents of the treaty powers to proceed with the operations, the motives for which the undersigned have herein set forth.

DUCHESNE DE BELLECOURT, Minister Plenipotentiary of his Majesty the Emperor of the French.

ROBERT H. PEUYN, Minister Resident of the United States.

EDWARD ST. JOHN NEALE,, Her Britannic Majesty’s Chargé d’Affaires.

D. DEGRAEFF VAN POLSBROEK, Consul General of the Netherlands in Japan.

Mr. Pruyn to the Japanese Ministers

[Enclosure No. 3.]

Legation of the United States, in Japan, Yokohama, July 29, 1863.

I have the honor to enclose herewith translation of a memorandum, signed by the representatives of France, the United States, Great Britain, and the Netherlands, in relation to the opening of the inland sea.

The outrages committed by the Prince of Nagato are of a character which calls for immediate action by the Japanese government. The inland sea, at this time, is not open to our ships, even as a place of refuge in case of a typhoon. Valuable property, and even life, are liable to be lost for that reason.

Your excellencies must see that not even the delay of a day can be justified. It is needful to act with a promptitude commensurate with the danger to be avoided, and with a vigor and energy proportionate to the insult and injury to be punished.

As I have already explained, the Prince of Nagato has not only insulted his own sovereign the Tycoon, but those governments with which he is in alliance.

To be of value, the punishment should not only be severe, but immediate.

It is necessary that the government of his Majesty the Tycoon should, in the most solemn manner, disavow and reprobate the conduct of the Prince of Nagato. The formal disavowal and condemnation should be accompanied by such vigorous measures as shall effectually put a stop to all similar acts of hostility hereafter, by such chastisement as shall inflict heavy loss, and even, if needful, deprive him of the means of again thus offending.

By such a procedure the government of the Tycoon will give proof to the world of the sincerity and fidelity with which he will fulfil his obligations, and of the rigor and promptitude with which he will vindicate his authority and repress insubordination.

I would deeply regret, if, for any reason, it shall be necessary for the naval forces of the treaty powers further to intervene. But I cannot give a better proof of my good will to the government of the Tycoon, and of my desire to see friendly relations preserved with all the treaty powers, and particularly with the United States, than by most distinctly and plainly warning his government that this intervention can only be avoided by the immediate, vigorous and effectual action of the Japanese government.

The relations of this government, at this time, with the treaty powers, are of such a character as to make it, above all things, necessary that the position of his Majesty the Tycoon shall be fully and clearly defined. And I regretted to hear the assistant minister, Sakai Ilida No Kami, say, at a recent conference with the representatives above named, that the Tycoon might be obliged, though privately disavowing, yet publicly to approve the acts of the Prince of Nagato, if he had acted under orders of the Mikado.

Your excellencies will readily see that the treaty powers may be obliged to pass by the government of the Tycoon, and to address themselves directly to the Mikado, and, by such arguments and means as they have in their power, cause him to give indemnity for the past and security for the future.

I have, therefore, to request your excellencies to inform me, without delay, whether the government of the Tycoon is able and willing to open the inland sea, and how and when it proposes to do so.

With respect and esteem,

ROBERT H. PRUYN, Minister Resident of the United States in Japan.

Their Excellencies Matsudaira Boodzen No Kami, Inowuye Kawatsi No Kami, Ministers of Foreign Affairs, &c., &c., Yedo.

Mr. Pruyn to Japanese Ministers

[Enclosure No. 4.]

Legation of the United States in Japan, Yokohama, August 3, 1863.

I congratulate your excellencies on your return to Yedo, and desire to be allowed, through you, to present also my respectful congratulations to his Majesty the Tycoon, on his auspicious return to his capital.

During his and your absence, a letter signed by Ogasawara Dsusio No Kami was received by each of the foreign representatives, in which it was announced that the ports were to be closed, and the foreigners to be removed.

I embrace the earliest opportunity to call your attention to this extraordinary declaration, in the hope that such an unpardonable breach of treaty obligations could never have met with the approval of his Majesty the Tycoon, or have been entertained by him for a moment.

I therefore indulge the hope that his Majesty the Tycoon will repudiate the declaration of your colleague, and direct that the letter in question be withdrawn.

The return of his Majesty will then prove to be an event which will insure peace and prosperity to his empire, while it will be the era from which will be dated the restoration of entire good will, confidence and friendship between the treaty powers and his government.

With respect and esteem,

ROBERT H. PRUYN, Minister Resident of the United States in Japan.

Their Excellencies Midsuno Idsumi No Kami, Itakura Suwo No Kami, Ministers for Foreign Affairs, &c., &c., Yedo.

Mr. Pruyn to their Japanese Excellencies, the Gorogia

[Enclosure No. 5]

Legation of the United States in Japan, Yokohama, August 8, 1863.

Under ordinary circumstances I should not reply to your letter, informing me of the removal from office of your colleague, Ogasawara Dsusio No Kami, but receive it in silence, as I have former similar communications.

But the removal in question is not of an ordinary character, as it was preceded by acts of that minister, directly and intimately connected with the relations of this empire with the treaty powers.

Into the cause of this the foreign representatives can, therefore, with propriety inquire, so far as it may affect the relations of the treaty powers with this empire, and as it may develop the policy and purpose of the government of the Tycoon.

During the absence of his colleagues in the department of foreign affairs, and of his Majesty the Tycoon, Ogasawara caused the indemnity for the murder of Mr. Richardson, demanded by the British, to be paid. This, it was understood and declared, was done contrary to the wishes, and even the orders, of his Majesty the Tycoon.

At the same time he addressed letters to the foreign representatives, announcing that the government proposed to close the ports, and required foreigners to withdraw from Japan. This, he stated, was agreeably to the orders of the Tycoon.

The first act was in the interests of peace. The last proposed to violate the treaties, and to initiate war against foreigners.

In one of these acts it is manifest the disgraced minister has been visited with the displeasure of the Tycoon, and it would, therefore, have been proper, that when informed of the removal, we should not have been left in ignorance of the cause.

It would afford great satisfaction to the President of the United States if I shall be able to inform him that the punishment has been inflicted because Ogasawara committed the serious offence of declaring that his Majesty the Tycoon proposed to violate the solemn obligations which he had entered into with the western powers, and not on account of his friendly and pacific negotiation with the British minister.

Your excellencies will perceive, that unless this declaration be made, no such construction can be put upon it.

The undersigned wishes your excellencies to receive this letter as a proof of his continued good will for this government, and of his great anxiety that all causes of difference and interest shall be removed.

With respect and esteem,

ROBERT H. PRUYN, Minister Resident of the United States in Japan.

Their Excellencies Matsudaira Boodzen No Kami, Midsuno Idsumi No Kami, Itakura Suwo No Kami, Inowuye Kawatsi No Kami, Members of the Gorogio, &c., &c., &c., Yedo.

The Gorogio to Mr. Pruyn

[Enclosure No. 6.—Translation.]

We have to inform your excellency that Sakai Oota No Kami has been appointed a member of the Gorogio, and that he was instructed to take precedence over ourselves.

With respect and esteem, the 28th day of the 6th month of the 3d year of Bunkin, (the 12th August, 1863.)

MATSUDAIRA BOODZEN NO KAMI.

MIDSUNO IDSUMI NO KAMI.

ITAKURA SUWO NO KAMI.

INOWUYE KAWATSI NO KAMI.

His Excellency Robert H. Pruyn, Minister Resident of the United States of America, &c., &c., &c.